Wednesday, January 28, 2015
How Did Politics Get So Personal? By Thomas B. Edsall.
How Did Politics Get So Personal? By Thomas B. Edsall. New York Times, January 28, 2015.
Why the Iran Speech to Congress is Netanyahu’s Biggest Blunder Yet. By Peter Beinart.
Why the Iran speech to Congress is Netanyahu’s biggest blunder yet. By Peter Beinart. Haaretz, January 28, 2015.
Beinart:
By blatantly dissing Obama, Bibi is endangering his support among the “Jacksonians” who support Israel the most.
By blatantly dissing Obama, Bibi is endangering his support among the “Jacksonians” who support Israel the most.
How big
a blunder did Benjamin Netanyahu commit by arranging to slam Barack Obama’s
Iran policy in a speech to Congress without informing the White House first?
Listen to the recent exchange between Fox News anchors Chris Wallace and
Shepard Smith. Iran “is an existential threat,” declared Wallace. “Whatever Netanyahu
wants to think and say about that is fine. But for him to come here to ignore
the president, to not even let him know he was coming, and to sneak in to come
talk before Congress with the president’s opponents to criticize the
president’s policy, that’s a different thing.” Smith was even harsher: “It just
seems like they think we don’t pay any attention and we’re just a bunch of
complete morons, the United States citizens, like we wouldn’t pick up on what’s
happening here.”
To hear
Netanyahu criticized so bluntly on Fox, the conservative bastion where Israel
is usually above reproach, is remarkable. Even more intriguing is the nature of
that criticism. Wallace and Smith aren’t angry at Bibi for being hawkish;
Wallace flatly agrees that Iran represents an “existential threat.” They’re
angry at him for being insolent. For decades now, Netanyahu has alienated
American progressives. With this incident, he’s alienated some American
“Jacksonians” too.
In his
landmark 1999 book, Special Providence,
Walter Russell Mead divides American foreign policy into four traditions:
Jeffersonian, Wilsonian, Hamiltonian and Jacksonian. Jeffersonians see overseas
empires as a threat to domestic liberty (think Ron Paul), and thus suspect
Israel of dragging the United States into wars that drain our treasury and sap
our freedom. Wilsonians champion global human rights (think Samantha Power),
and while some in this school champion Israel as a bastion of democracy, others
condemn it for mistreating Palestinians. Hamiltonians want to make the world
safe for American commerce (think Brent Scowcroft), and some in this camp
resent Israel for undermining America’s relations with the oil producers of the
Middle East. It is the fourth group, Jacksonians, whom Mead argues anchor Israel’s
public support.
They
anchor it because Jacksonians are Manicheans: They draw sharp distinctions
between the civilized West and its barbaric foes. And they see Israel – because
it is a democracy, because many of its people hail from Europe and because it
is Jewish (many Jacksonians believe Jewish control of the Holy Land is part of
God’s plan) – as the West’s outpost in hostile, Islamic terrain. Jacksonians
don’t question Israel’s ruthless response to terrorism because they don’t
question America’s ruthless response to terrorism. In Mead’s words, they
“strongly believe that as long as Palestinians engage in terrorism, Israel has
an unlimited and absolute right of self defense… If the terrorists shield
themselves behind civilians, that only shows how evil they are – and is an
extra reason why you have both the right and the duty to eliminate them no
matter what it takes.”
Given
America’s ongoing battle with jihadist terror, and the anti-Muslim feeling it
has spawned on the Fox News-watching right, Jacksonians are unlikely to
criticize Israel on moral grounds anytime soon. But they might criticize it on
nationalist grounds. While Jeffersonians focus on defending domestic liberty,
Wilsonians focus on supporting liberty overseas and Hamiltonians emphasize free
trade, Jacksonians care most about national honor. They may not particularly
like president Obama, but they still don’t want to see him disrespected by a
foreign power.
The
danger for Netanyahu is that Jacksonians come to see him less as America’s ally
against a common foe and more like the guy playing us for fools. Ordinary
Jacksonians may not know that after his first meeting with Netanyahu, Bill Clinton remarked, “Who the fuck does he think he is? Who’s the fucking
superpower here?” They may not know that in a private meeting with settlers in
2001, Netanyahu said, “America is a thing you can move very easily.”
They
may not even remember the way Bibi lectured Obama at a White House press
conference in 2011 after the president proposed peace talks based on the 1967
lines plus land swaps.
But
with this latest incident, the reputation for arrogance and duplicity that
Netanyahu has long enjoyed among American elites is seeping out to the public
at large. It’s not just Fox’s Shepard Smith who last week objected to Netanyahu
treating Americans like “we’re just a bunch of complete morons.” HBO’s Bill
Maher, who, while liberal on most issues, has won conservative acclaim in
recent months for his critiques of Islam, said after news of Netanyahu’s speech
to Congress, “We’re getting very close on the Iran issue to allowing Israel to
write American policy.” It’s noteworthy that Jim Webb, the former Marine,
Reagan administration official and long-shot 2016 presidential candidate who
has written at length about Jacksonian culture, was during his time in the senate one of AIPAC’s biggest foes on Iran.
Are
most Jacksonians about to turn on Israel? Not likely. But among some, the
“Israel as insolent” narrative now competes with the narrative of Israel as the
West’s outpost in the Middle East. To avoid fueling it, Bibi is going to have
show president Obama a bit more respect. And when you see Obama as Neville
Chamberlain and yourself as Winston Churchill, that’s not an easy thing to do.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)