Paul Dano as Pierre Bezukhov, Lily James as Natasha Rostova, and James Norton as Andrei Bolkonsky in the 2016 BBC adaptation of War and Peace. |
The perpetual drama of Russia and Britain’s historic relationship. By Simon Sebag Montefiore. Evening Standard, January 8, 2016.
Montefiore:
Our fascination with War and Peace and suspicion of President Putin are the latest chapters in a very old story.
Our fascination with War and Peace and suspicion of President Putin are the latest chapters in a very old story.
War and Peace is a
complete fictional world with its own extraordinarily lifelike exuberance but,
as with most Russian novels, it is also about Russia’s vision of itself — its
quest for its rightful place in civilisation and its struggle with the outside
world.
Between
1805 and 1812 Russia was tormented, through the might of Napoleonic France, by
the contradictions between its Frenchified aristocracy — so gorgeously re-enacted by the Beeb — and the simple, sacred purity of Mother Russia made up
of illiterate peasants. Tolstoy’s novel is at least partly about how the fops
of St Petersburg came to recognise the essence of their own nation.
In 2016
it is fitting that we are enraptured by Russianness, for the country is on our
minds: we are more disapproving and terrified of Russia, and Russia is more
hostile and disdainful towards us than at any time since the death of Stalin.
No figure in international affairs so fascinates and unsettles as Vladimir
Putin. But if it seems that the tight britches and diamond necklaces of
Tolstoyan drama belong to another Russia, think again. The hairstyles may be
different but the war of power and
culture now is the same as that described by Tolstoy.
Today’s
Kremlin despises the decadent, hypocritical US and Britain while promoting an
aggressive nationalism and Russia’s special mission in world history. Yet these
same potentates still travel in English cars, buy English homes, watch English
football and educate their children at English schools.
As we
denounce Putin’s autocracy and brinkmanship, we are in the grip of our own
Russomania because, contrary to the Kremlin’s paranoic narrative, we revere
Russian culture and history — Tolstoy, Pushkin, the Hermitage, the Bolshoi,
Tchaikovsky and Shostakovich, while the triumphs and tragedies of the Romanovs
thrill us.
But if
culture seems a safe way to engage with Putinist Russia — as it seemed with the
Soviets — the exchange has always been fraught because power and culture are as
interwoven in life now as they are in Tolstoy.
The
fascination between Russia and the West is an ancient one, based on a brew of
expediency, envy, fear and admiration — and nothing is as simple as it seems:
one thinks of the crenellated red walls of the Kremlin itself as utterly
Russian in their forbidding grandeur, yet they were the work of Italian
Renaissance artisans imported by Ivan the Great between 1485 and 1495.
After
1613 the Romanov tsars hired English or Scottish mercenaries, artisans and
doctors but kept them separate from their own people. The menacingly
hyperactive Peter the Great forced Russia to embrace Western manners, ranks and
culture in his new capital St Petersburg (even writing a “how to” guide, The
Honourable Mirror, which told Russian men not to spit or vomit in public and
women not to paint their teeth black).
He enforced it by personally punching guests in the mouth and caning his
henchmen if they transgressed.
By the
accession of Catherine the Great, French language and English style dominated
the court. She and her partner Potemkin dubbed their tastes “Anglomania”. They
adored the paintings of Reynolds, hired English gardeners (hers was aptly named
Mr Bush), Scottish architect Charles Cameron to design neoclassical palaces,
Jeremy Bentham and his brother to design ships and Scottish admiral Samuel
Greig to command them. Yet then as now, Anglomania was mixed with hostility
between London and St Petersburg.
By the
time of Catherine’s grandson Alexander I, the tsar in War and Peace, some
courtiers spoke better French than Russian. When Alexander fought Napoleon,
Tolstoy’s hero Pierre Bezukhov idolised Napoleon and French modernity while
despising Russian backwardness. Napoleon’s 1812 invasion helped Tolstoy’s
characters Pierre and Natasha rediscover their Russianness.
This
new zeitgeist was personified by Alexander I’s successor, Nicholas I, who saw
Orthodox Russia as a holy-nationalist crusade. His delusions led to defeat in
the Crimean War by Britain and France, the two cultures Russians most revered
(and resented), and this accelerated the freeing of the serfs and the liberal
blossoming of Russian culture in the form of War and Peace and Dostoevsky’s Crime
and Punishment (both serialised by one Russian newspaper proprietor who
pulled off probably the greatest scoop in literary history).
Tolstoy
travelled this journey himself. Starting
as a swaggering Frenchified officer and compulsive fornicator with the serf
girls he owned, he ended as a puritanical Christian socialist who idolised
Russia’s peasantry.
After
50 years of frosty relations with Britain and France, Alexander III and his son
Nicholas II allied Russia with those two Western democracies — at the very time
they unleashed a narrow Russian nationalism in their own country. Nicholas saw
himself as a 17th-century grand prince, not a Europeanised emperor, and imposed
Russian over ethnic languages — yet his love letters to Alexandra were in
English and the dynasty was by then mainly German thanks to centuries of
marriage to Teutonic princesses.
After
the revolution, Stalin, while espousing Marxist internationalism, embraced aggressive xenophobic nationalism —
which ironically included the promotion of Count Tolstoy’s view of 1812 as the
moment that proved Russian moral superiority.
The
fall of communism in 1991 reversed that: the worship of Western ways — American
culture, London luxuries — paralleled the worship of everything French in War and Peace.
Now the
backlash has come again. Our relations
are arctic, Western culture disdained, Russian supremacy trumpeted: “The
Russian people are the core of a unique civilisation,” says Putin, sounding
just like Nicholas I. And yet… here we are: we’re still watching Tolstoy and
they still dream of Chelsea football and living at Downton.