Conservatism Needs to Lighten Up. By Fareed Zakaria.
Conservatism needs to lighten up. By Fareed Zakaria. Washington Post, October 16, 2013. Also here.
Zakaria: Rhetoric a problem for the GOP. GPS. CNN, October 18, 2013.
Zakaria:
The
crisis has been resolved, but this respite is temporary. We are bound to have
more standoffs and brinkmanship in the months and years ahead. To understand
why, you must recognize that, for the tea party, the stakes could not be
higher. The movement is animated and energized by a fear that soon America will
be beyond rescue.
Sen.
Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) put it plainly at the recent Values Voter Summit in
Washington: “We’re nearing the edge of a cliff, and our window to turn things
around, my friends, I don’t think it is long. I don’t think it is 10 years. We
have a couple of years to turn the country around or we go off the cliff to
oblivion.”
Cruz
dominated the summit’s straw poll, taking 42 percent of the vote, more than
three times his nearest rival. His fundraising committees reported this week
that they took in $1.19 million in the third quarter, double the total in the
preceding quarter. Cruz’s national approval rating may be an abysmal 14
percent, but to the base of the Republican Party he is an idol.
The
current fear derives from Obamacare, but that is only the most recent cause for
alarm. Modern American conservatism was founded on a diet of despair. In 1955,
William F. Buckley Jr. began the movement with a famous first editorial in
National Review declaring that the magazine “stands athwart history, yelling
Stop.” John Boehner tries to tie into this tradition of opposition when he says
in exasperation, “The federal government has spent more than what it has brought in in 55 of the last 60 years!”
But
what has been the result over these past 60 years? The United States has grown
mightily, destroyed the Soviet Union, spread capitalism across the globe and
lifted its citizens to astonishingly high standards of living and income. Over
the past 60 years, America has built highways and universities, funded science
and space research, and — along the way — ushered in the rise of the most
productive and powerful private sector the world has ever known.
At the
end of the 1961 speech that launched his political career, Ronald Reagan said,
“If I don’t do it, one of these days you and I are going to spend our sunset
years telling our children and our children’s children what it once was like in
America when men were free.” But the menace Reagan warned about — Medicare —
was enacted. It has provided security to the elderly. There have been problems
regarding cost, but that’s hardly the same as killing freedom.
For
most Americans, even most conservatives, yesterday’s deepest causes are often
quietly forgotten. Consider that by Reagan’s definition, all other industrial
democracies are tyrannies. Yet every year, the right-wing Heritage Foundation ranks several of these countries — such as Switzerland — as “more free” than
the United States, despite the fact that they have universal health care.
For
many conservatives, the “rot” to be excoriated is not about economics and
health care but about culture. A persistent theme of conservative intellectuals
and commentators — in print and on Fox News — is the cultural decay of the
country. But compared with almost any period in U.S. history, we live in
bourgeois times, in a culture that values family, religion, work and, above
all, business. Young people today aspire to become Mark Zuckerberg. They quote
the aphorisms of Warren Buffett and read the Twitter feed of Bill Gates. Even
after the worst recession since the Great Depression, there are no obvious
radicals, anarchists, Black Panthers or other revolutionary movements — save
the tea party.
For
some tacticians and consultants, extreme rhetoric is just a way to keep the
troops fired up. But rhetoric gives meaning and shape to a political movement.
Over the past six decades, conservatism’s language of decay, despair and
decline have created a powerful group of Americans who believe fervently in
this dark narrative and are determined to stop the country from plunging into
imminent oblivion. They aren’t going to give up just yet.
The era
of crises could end, but only when this group of conservatives makes its peace
with today’s America. They are misty-eyed in their devotion to a distant
republic of myth and memory yet passionate in their dislike of the messy,
multiracial, quasi-capitalist democracy that has been around for half a century
— a fifth of our country’s history. At some point, will they come to recognize
that you cannot love America in theory and hate it in fact?