Kemal Ataturk Is Alive and Well and Living In Madison, WI. By Peter Berger.
Kemal Ataturk Is Alive and Well and Living In Madison, WI. By Peter Berger. The American Interest, October 9, 2013.
Berger:
Kemal
Ataturk founded the Republic of Turkey as a militantly secular state. The
Kemalist elite, while it could not (and, let us charitably assume, did not
intend) to eradicate religion, it certainly made it clear that believers were
second-class citizens. Their animosity was of course mainly directed against
Islam. It did not succeed in making much headway against the majority
population of Muslims, especially in the vast Anatolian hinterland. As Turkey
became more democratic, these allegedly backward people voted—and not
surprisingly they voted their “values”. The result has been the (thus far
moderate) Islamist government.
The
Kemalist policy toward religion has been a kind of disease control: Religion is
basically a danger in a civilized society. It must be tightly controlled,
contained within its tolerated spaces, kept out of the officially legitimated
public sphere. In recent time Kemalism has not fared well in Turkey. It is
unlikely to do better in the United States, the most religious country in the
Western world, unless a currently assertive secularism achieves results in the
federal courts which it could never achieve through the democratic process. The
Freedom from Religion Foundation and, more importantly, the American Civil
Liberties Union are spearhead organizations in the secularist campaign. This is
not the place to speculate about the reasons for their recent activism. But I
think it is useful to understand that their attitude toward public expressions
of religious faith is essentially Kemalist.
Comment by Gary Novak:
Richard
Rodriguez once gave a talk in which he described his visit to a Los Angeles
high school where the lunch tables were voluntarily segregated by ethnicity.
Even the Chicanos and Mexican-Americans sat at separate tables. Like Berger,
Rodriguez thinks an important part of education is broadening one's comfort
zone. So he described the situation as one in which the United States had been
infected with the Canadian virus of multiculturalism.
I
obtained a video of the talk and showed it to my introductory sociology class.
One of my students went to the department head and complained that she was
uncomfortable hearing multiculturalism criticized. It was too late for her to
drop my class and take his, so he proposed that we accommodate her by having
her attend his classes and take his tests, and he would tell me what grade to
assign her at the end of the semester. I refused on the grounds that it might
do her some good to hear multiculturalism criticized by a gay Hispanic. If I
had wronged the student, I should go, not her. And, of course, if the situation
were reversed and an ethnocentric student wanted out because talk of
multiculturalism made him sick, the policy of accommodating the needs of all
our student consumers would come to a screeching halt. “But that’s why you go
to college—to learn you’re a racist!”
I
suspect the department head felt quite virtuous for accommodating ME. “You see—even
though you’re teaching the wrong stuff, my respect for academic freedom knows
no limits. Your student clearly needs to be rescued, but I’ll take no action
against you!” (The text I used—like all sociology texts—was, of course, making
the case for multiculturalism.) Double standards and political correctness
account for much of the increasing awareness that colleges today offer, as
Berger puts it, “an increasingly costly and dubiously useful product.”