Tobin:
After more than a week of studied neutrality about the surge of terrorism against Israel, Secretary of State John Kerry finally said something useful to the cause of restoring calm. Though he and other administration officials have at times blamed the Israelis for provoking the spate of bloody terror attacks by building homes or by shooting terrorists, Kerry got to the core of the problem when he noted that the alleged threats to the al-Aqsa mosque are not real. By noting that Israel was opposed to changing the status quo on the Temple Mount, Kerry implicitly backed the Netanyahu government’s assertion that the violence was the result of incitement by Palestinian leaders who have circulated that false charge. He said what was needed was “clarity” about the situation in Jerusalem that would make it clear to Muslims that there was no truth to the blood libel circulated by Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas about the Temple Mount. Moreover, Kerry noted that the key point was to make sure Palestinians understood that Israel was supportive of the status quo. But the notion that what Palestinians want on the Temple Mount or anywhere else is the status quo is a misnomer. As has been the case with each stage of fighting during the recent history of the region, both the Palestinians and much of the American foreign policy establishment hopes the growing pile of corpses will serve to increase the pressure on Israel to give up more territory.
It’s
taken what is now being called the “stabbing intifada” for even a staunch supporter
of the Obama administration’s foreign policy like the Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg to recognize that disagreements about
settlements and territory haven’t caused the violence. Goldberg correctly links
Abbas’s incitement about the Temple Mount to the blood libels circulated by
Palestinian leaders in the 1920s. The reason why Israel’s maintenance of a
status quo on the Temple Mount that actually discriminates against Jews (they
are forbidden to pray at what is the holiest site in Judaism), is that Palestinians
see all of Israel, including everything inside the 1967 lines, as an illegal
settlement populated by foreign colonists. As occasional COMMENTARY contributor Daniel Gordis also noted in an insightful if depressing column in the New York Daily News, even educated Palestinians who engage in daily friendly interaction
with Jewish Israelis view them as usurpers who will be thrown out sooner or
later.
But
unfortunately, this insight hasn’t penetrated into the consciousness of most of
those who comment about foreign policy. A good example came in Monday’s New York Times when the International Crisis Group’s Nathan Thrall wrote that the problem was that there was no sign
that Israel would relax the occupation of Palestinians. So long as Palestinian
thought that only violence would force Israel to make concessions on land and
settlements, terrorism would be seen as a legitimate, even necessary, political
tool for an otherwise powerless Palestinian people. He believes if Israel and
the United States merely seek to “manage” the conflict rather than solving it,
the result will only be more violence since the Palestinians will keep shedding
blood until their grievances are addressed.
Thrall
is right when he notes that many Israelis dream about being able to completely
separate from Palestinians and thus be rid of the nightmare of stabbings,
shootings and other mayhem. He says support for separation was also at its
highest during the second intifada as Israelis reeled from suicide bombings.
But
what he and many other establishment think tank voices fail to understand is
that the tumult about al-Aqsa betrays what is at the root of the violence. The
talk about the mosque isn’t really so much about a fear that the Israelis will
harm it but an ideological/religious commitment to ensuring that this site is
made a Muslims only enclave where Jews have no rights. That’s why the PA is
also seeking to get UNESCO to recognize the Western Wall as part of the al-Aqsa compound.
Thrall
says Palestinians believe a “cost-free occupation” will only serve Israel’s
interests and that a sign that the Jewish state will withdraw from more
territory would give them reason to stop stabbing Jews. But the only status quo
the Palestinians are interested in preserving is the one that existed before
the modern Zionist movement began the return of the Jewish people to their
land. Palestinian national identity remains inextricably tied to the war
against that return, and as far as the Palestinians are concerned it makes no
difference whether the “occupied” land under discussion is the West Bank or
pre-1967 Israel.
A peace
deal that would separate the two people sounds like a good idea in theory, but
the results of Ariel Sharon’s Gaza withdrawal remain the object lesson in what
happens when Israel undertakes such a retreat. The notion of replicating it in
the West Bank still strikes the overwhelming majority of Israelis as madness
even if they would like to separate from the Palestinians. Nor do they harbor
any illusions about such a gesture satisfying the territorial aspirations of
the Palestinians.
Israel has repeatedly demonstrated a willingness to grant the Palestinians a state in exchange for real peace. But as Gordis and Goldberg both correctly observe, peace will be impossible so long as the Palestinians aren’t prepared to recognize the religious and national rights of the Jews. Those who wish to promote a solution to the conflict would do better to stop talking about settlements (most of which would remain inside Israel in a peace deal) and start telling Palestinians the hard truth about giving up their century-long war. Until they grasp this, managing the conflict is all Israel or anyone else should be trying to do.
Israel has repeatedly demonstrated a willingness to grant the Palestinians a state in exchange for real peace. But as Gordis and Goldberg both correctly observe, peace will be impossible so long as the Palestinians aren’t prepared to recognize the religious and national rights of the Jews. Those who wish to promote a solution to the conflict would do better to stop talking about settlements (most of which would remain inside Israel in a peace deal) and start telling Palestinians the hard truth about giving up their century-long war. Until they grasp this, managing the conflict is all Israel or anyone else should be trying to do.