Ted Cruz’s Foreign Policy Triumph. By Peter Ferrara. The American Spectator, December 17, 2015.
Ferrara:
At the CNN Las Vegas debate Tuesday night, an important distinction was reintroduced to Republican politics. During the debate, Texas Senator Ted Cruz presented a well-thought out, foreign and national defense policy based on the original, Reagan conservatism. One that focuses on advancing America’s security interests around the world, not on sacrificing American lives and treasure on replacing foreign dictators with human rights, birthing new democracies, or building jobs and prosperity in foreign lands.
At the CNN Las Vegas debate Tuesday night, an important distinction was reintroduced to Republican politics. During the debate, Texas Senator Ted Cruz presented a well-thought out, foreign and national defense policy based on the original, Reagan conservatism. One that focuses on advancing America’s security interests around the world, not on sacrificing American lives and treasure on replacing foreign dictators with human rights, birthing new democracies, or building jobs and prosperity in foreign lands.
The
Cruz and Reagan doctrine goes all the way back to America’s Founding Fathers.
They wanted America to stay out of endless European wars, and foreign
“entangling alliances.” They wanted America to stand for human rights,
democracy, and prosperity for all. But they envisioned America advancing those
goals by its own example, not at the point of a gun.
At the
debate last Tuesday, Florida Senator Marco Rubio took the lead in advancing a
different, more recent policy — the neoconservatism of George Bush, which
committed America to replacing Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein with a modern
democracy and economy, based on a culture of Western civil rights. Ohio
Governor John Kasich and South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham also appeared in
supporting roles for Rubio’s vision. Cruz enjoyed the vocal, reasoned support
of Kentucky Senator Rand Paul.
Cruz
explained his foreign policy vision in his opening statement, saying, “We need
a President who understands the first obligation of the Commander-in-Chief is
to keep America safe. If I am elected President, we will hunt down and kill the
terrorists. We will utterly destroy ISIS. We will stop the terrorist acts
before they occur because we will not be prisoners to political correctness.
Rather we will speak the truth. Border security is national security and we
will not be admitting jihadists as refugees.”
When
Wolf Blitzer asked Cruz whether his policy would be “to preserve dictatorships,
rather than promoting democracy in the Middle East?” Cruz answered by
explaining, “I believe in an America first foreign policy, that far too often
President Obama and Hillary Clinton — and unfortunately more than a few
Republicans — have gotten distracted from the central focus of keeping this
country safe…. We need to focus on American interests, not on global
aspirations.”
Cruz
later added, in supporting Rand Paul’s well-articulated opposition to regime
change, “The question of whether we should be toppling dictatorships is asking
the wrong question. The focus should be on defeating our enemies. So, for
example, a regime we should change is Iran because Iran has declared war on us.
But we shouldn’t be toppling regimes that are fighting radical Islamic
terrorists….”
Cruz
explained the roots of his foreign and defense policies in Reagan, saying “We
need a Commander in Chief who does what Ronald Reagan did with communism, which
is he set out a global strategy to defeat Soviet communism. And he directed all
of his forces to defeating communism.” Cruz added, “We need a President who
stands up, number one, and says, we will defeat ISIS. And number two, says the
greatest national security threat facing America is a nuclear Iran. And we need
to be focused on defeating radical Islamic terrorists.”
Bush’s
neoconservatism has become so ingrained in Republicans that Cruz’s opponents
think his rejection of it offers an opportunity to attack Cruz as not a genuine
conservative. Bret Stephens, the highly articulate neoconservative spokesman
and Wall Street Journal columnist,
actually recognized the shortcomings of neocon foreign policy in writing
Tuesday, “[T]he purpose of U.S. foreign policy cannot be to redeem the world’s
crippled societies through democracy-building exercises. Foreign policy is not
in the business of making dreams come true—Arab-Israeli peace, Islamic
liberalism, climate nirvana, a Russian reset, et cetera. It’s about keeping our
nightmares at bay. Today those nightmares are Russian revanchism, Iranian
nuclearization, the rise and reach of Islamic State and China’s quest to muscle
the U.S. out of East Asia.”
But he
fails to grasp Cruz’s distinction in criticizing Obama, “We’re looking at a
President who’s engaged in this double speak where he doesn’t call radical
Islamic terrorism by its name. Indeed, he gives a speech after the San
Bernardino attack where his approach is to try to go after the constitutional
rights of law-abiding citizens rather than to keep us safe.” Cruz would keep us
safe by enforcing the border, which is anathema to Stephens. So Stephens, a man
who is rarely wrong, foolishly labels this Cruz position as reflecting lack of
character.
Cruz’s
ultimate intellectual coup in this last debate is a very positive turn for
Republicans. Reagan’s wise, conservative, foreign policy was enormously
popular. All his political life, Reagan was maligned by Democrats as a
warmonger. But once he got his chance as President, he won the Cold War without
firing a shot. Bush’s neoconservatism, however, was hugely unpopular, and paved
the way to the Republicans’ fall from Reagan’s grace.
His
performance Tuesday will only further fuel Cruz’s rapid rise to a now probable,
smashing Iowa victory. That will launch the next question on the road to
Republican 2016 redemption: Cruz-Rubio, or Cruz-Kasich, or Cruz-Carson, or
Cruz-Fiorina?