The U.S.’s “success” in the Middle East has only created more problems. By Fareed Zakaria. Washington Post, May 12, 2016.
Zakaria:
Iraq is collapsing as a country. This week’s bombings in Baghdad, which killed more than 90 people, are just further reminders that the place remains deeply unstable and violent. There is a lesson to be drawn from this, one that many powerful people in Washington are still resisting.
Iraq is collapsing as a country. This week’s bombings in Baghdad, which killed more than 90 people, are just further reminders that the place remains deeply unstable and violent. There is a lesson to be drawn from this, one that many powerful people in Washington are still resisting.
As Iraq
has spiraled downward, policymakers have been quick to provide advice.
Perennial hawks such as Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) have argued that if only the
Obama administration would send more troops to the region, it would be more stable. Others say we need more
diplomats and political advisers who can buttress military efforts. Still
others tell us to focus on Iraqi leaders and get them to be more inclusive.
Perhaps
it is worth stepping back from Iraq and looking at another country where the
United States has been involved. The United States has been engaged in
Afghanistan militarily, politically and economically for 15 years. It has had
many “surges” of troops. It has spent more than $1 trillion on the war, by some estimates, and still pays a large portion of Afghanistan’s defense budget.
Afghanistan has an elected government of national unity.
And
yet, in October, the United
Nations concluded that the insurgency had spread to more places in the
country than at any point since 2001. Danielle Moylan reported in the New York Times
that the Taliban now controls or contests all but three districts in Helmand
province. She said that 36,000 police officers — almost a quarter of the force
— are believed to have deserted the ranks last year. And last month, the
Taliban penetrated Kabul itself, attacking a building run by the National
Directorate of Security, which is responsible for much of the security in the
capital, as the New Yorker’s Dexter Filkins has reported.
Some
argue that 15 years is not enough. They point to South Korea and Germany and
say that the United States should simply stay unendingly. I am not opposed to a
longer-term U.S. presence in Afghanistan, especially because the country’s
elected government seems to want it. But the analogy is misplaced. In Germany
and South Korea, U.S. forces remained to deter a foreign threat. They were not
engaged in a never-ending battle within the country to help the government gain
control over its own people. The more appropriate analogue is Vietnam.
Much
has been made recently of a pair of interviews on U.S. foreign policy, one with
President Obama, the other with one of his closest aides, Ben Rhodes. Both men have been described as arrogant, self-serving and brimming
with contempt for the foreign policy establishment. Certainly, as most
administrations would, Obama and Rhodes sought to present their actions in a
positive light. So Obama congratulates himself for stepping back from the edge
of military intervention in Syria. He never grapples with the fact that his own
careless rhetoric — about Bashar al-Assad’s fate and “red lines” — pushed Washington
to the edge in the first place.
But on
the most important issue of substance, Obama is right and his critics are
wrong. The chief lesson for U.S. foreign policy from the past 15 years is that
it is much easier to defeat a military opponent in the greater Middle East than
to establish political order in these troubled lands.
The
mantra persists in Washington that Obama has “overlearned” the lessons of Iraq.
But the lessons come not just from Iraq. In Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya, it
took weeks to defeat the old regime. Years later, despite different approaches,
all of these countries remain in chaos. Can anyone seriously argue that a few
more troops, or a slightly different strategy, would have created stability and
peace?
The
Obama administration’s policy is trying to battle the Islamic State and yet
steer clear of anything that would lead it to occupy and control lands in the
region. I worry that the United States is veering toward too much involvement,
which will leave Washington holding the bag, but I understand the balance the
administration is trying to strike.
In
Syria, Washington’s real dilemma would be if the effort worked and the Islamic
State were defeated. This would result in a collapse of authority in large
swaths of Iraq and Syria that are teeming with radicalized Sunnis who refuse to
accept the authority of Baghdad or Damascus. Having led the fight, Washington
would be forced to assert control over the territory, set up prisons to house
thousands of Islamic State fighters, and provide security and economic
assistance for the population while fighting the inevitable insurgency.
You
know you’re in trouble when success produces more problems than failure.