Sunday, July 28, 2013

The “Country Party” and the “Court Party.” By Ross Douthat.

Going for Bolingbroke. By Ross Douthat. New York Times, July 27, 2013.

America’s Ruling Class – And the Perils of Revolution. By Angelo M. Codevilla. The American Spectator, July/August 2010.

U.S. Meritocracy Has Given Way to Aristocracy. By Erick Erickson. NJBR, May 30, 2013. With related articles by Ben Domenech and Conor Friedersdorf.

The Libertarian Populist Agenda. By Ben Domenech. NJBR, June 6, 2013. With related articles.

The Beltway Burkeans vs. Heartland Populists. By Ben Domenech. NJBR, July 2, 2013. With related articles by Sean Trende and Conor Friedersdorf.

Paul Krugman’s Delusions About the GOP and Populism. By Robert Tracinski. NJBR, July 16, 2013. With related articles.

Fear of Rand Paul’s Rise. By Ben Domenech. NJBR, July 20, 2013.


Douthat:

BEFORE political movements can be understood by others, they need to understand themselves: what they want to be, what they actually are and how they might bridge the gap between aspiration and reality.
 
Today, the post-George W. Bush, post-Mitt Romney conservative movement is one-third of the way there. Among younger activists and rising politicians, the American right has a plausible theory of what its role in our politics ought to be, and how it might advance the common good. What it lacks, for now, is the self-awareness to see how it falls short of its own ideal, and the creativity necessary to transform its self-conception into victory, governance, results.
 
The theory goes something like this: American politics is no longer best understood in the left-right terms that defined 20th-century debates. Rather, our landscape looks more like a much earlier phase in democracy’s development, when the division that mattered was between outsiders and insiders, the “country party” and the “court party.”

These terms emerged in 18th-century Britain, during the rule of Sir Robert Walpole, the island kingdom’s first true prime minister. They were coined by his opponents, a circle led by Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke, who were both conservative and populist at once: they regarded Walpole’s centralization of power as a kind of organized conspiracy, in which the realm’s political, business and military interests were colluding against the common good.
 
Bolingbroke is largely forgotten today, but his skepticism about the ways that money and power intertwine went on to influence the American Revolution and practically every populist movement in our nation’s history. And it’s his civic republican ideas, repurposed for a new era, that you hear in the rhetoric of new-guard Republican politicians like Rand Paul and Mike Lee, in right-wing critiques of our incestuous “ruling class,” and from pundits touting a “libertarian populism” instead.
 
Theirs is not just the usual conservative critique of big government, though that’s obviously part of it. It’s a more thoroughgoing attack on the way Americans are ruled today, encompassing Wall Street and corporate America, the media and the national-security state.
 
As theories go, it’s well suited to the times. The story of the last decade in American life is, indeed, a story of consolidation and self-dealing at the top. There really is a kind of “court party” in American politics, whose shared interests and assumptions — interventionist, corporatist, globalist — have stamped the last two presidencies and shaped just about every major piece of Obama-era legislation. There really is a disconnect between this elite’s priorities and those of the country as a whole. There really is a sense in which the ruling class — in Washington, especially — has grown fat at the expense of the nation it governs.
 
The problem for conservatives isn’t their critique of this court party and its works. Rather, it’s their failure to understand why many Americans can agree with this critique but still reject the Republican alternative.
 
They reject it for two reasons. First, while Republicans claim to oppose the ruling class on behalf of the country as a whole, they often seem to be representing an equally narrow set of interest groups — mostly elderly, rural (the G.O.P. is a “country party” in a far too literal sense) and well-off. A party that cuts food stamps while voting for farm subsidies or fixates on upper-bracket tax cuts while wages are stagnating isn’t actually offering a libertarian populist alternative to the court party’s corrupt bargains. It’s just offering a different, more Republican-friendly set of buy-offs.
 
Second, as much as Americans may distrust a cronyist liberalism, they prefer it to a conservatism that doesn’t seem interested in governing at all. This explains why Republicans could win the battle for public opinion on President Obama’s first-term agenda without persuading the public to actually vote him out of office. The sense that Obama was at least trying to solve problems, whereas the right offered only opposition, was powerful enough to overcome disappointment with the actual results.
 
Both of these problems dog the right’s populists today. There might indeed be a “libertarian populist” agenda that could help Republicans woo the middle class — but not if, as in Rand Paul’s budget proposals, its centerpiece is just another sweeping tax cut for the rich.
 
There might be a way to turn Obamacare’s unpopularity against Democrats in 2014 — but not if Republican populists shut down the government in a futile attempt to defund it.
 
To overthrow a flawed ruling class, it isn’t enough to know what’s gone wrong at the top. You need more self-knowledge, substance and strategic thinking than conservatives have displayed to date.
 
Here the historical record is instructive. The original “country party” critique of Robert Walpole’s government was powerful, resonant and intellectually influential.
 
But it still wasn’t politically successful. Instead, the era as a whole belonged to Walpole and his court — as this one, to date, belongs to Barack Obama.


Saturday, July 27, 2013

The Return of Geopolitics. By Colin Dueck.

The Return of Geopolitics. By Colin Dueck. Real Clear World, July 27, 2013. Also at Foreign Policy Research Institute.

Pragmatic Compromises Will Never Yield the World We Seek. By Rabbi Michael Lerner.

Pragmatic Compromises Will Never Yield the World We Seek. By Rabbi Michael Lerner. Tikkun, Summer 2013.

A New American Dream for a New American Century. By Zachary Karabell.

A new American dream for a new American century. By Zachary Karabell. Reuters, July 26, 2013.

Karabell:

In a major speech this week on the economy, President Obama emphasized that while the United States has recovered substantial ground since the crisis of 2008-2009, wide swaths of the middle class still confront a challenging environment. Above all, the past years have eroded the 20th century dream of hard work translating into a better life.
 
As Obama explained, it used to be that “a growing middle class was the engine of our prosperity. Whether you owned a company, or swept its floors, or worked anywhere in between, this country offered you a basic bargain — a sense that your hard work would be rewarded with fair wages and decent benefits, the chance to buy a home, to save for retirement, and most of all, a chance to hand down a better life for your kids. But over time, that engine began to stall.” What we are left with today is increased inequality, in wages and in opportunity.
 
The assumption is that this is unequivocally a bad thing. There have been countless stories about the “death of the American dream,” and Detroit’s bankruptcy last week was taken as one more proof. Yet lately the unquestioned assumption of a better future based on hard work has not served America well. If anything, today’s version of that dream has been the source of complacency rather than strength, and its passing may be necessary in order to pave the way for a constructive future.
 
But you wouldn’t know that from the president’s speech and from continued news stories and academic studies. The inequalities of opportunity were underscored by a recent study that was brought to national attention by the New York Times this week that showed wide variations in income mobility depending on what part of the United States you live in. Those who live in metropolitan areas, as well as those with more higher education and wealthier parents, have significantly more upward mobility than many in rural areas.
 
The wage stagnation for tens of millions of working Americans over the past decades combined with the financial crisis has been painful and even calamitous for millions. In truth, however, the middle class security that has now disappeared only existed for a very brief period after World War Two, when the United States accounted for half of global industrial output and achieved a level of relative prosperity and growth that was substantially higher than in any other country. Before the Great Depression and World War Two, there was no assumption in the 17th, 18th or 19th centuries that the future would be inherently better for one’s children.
 
As for income inequality, that is hardly a new issue. The presence of inequality in the past did not impede economic growth. After the American Revolution, income inequality began rising sharply along with economic growth. And it continued to rise well into the early 20th century, when more people became rich and even more people became mired in a level of poverty that does not exist today. Inequality then wasn’t a barrier to mobility. If anything, it might have been a spur. Seeing how the Robber Barons of the Gilded Age lived provoked both the reforms of the Progressive Era and the ambitions of millions of immigrants and citizens who wanted a better life and saw that one was possible.
 
Before the mid-20th century, the American dream was that if you worked hard you had the potential to craft a good life. You could be free from repressive government, and you could be able to watch your children do better via education and their own hard work. That potential was absent in other societies, and its presence — along with tens of millions of acres of unclaimed land — was what drew so many millions of immigrants.
 
In short, the equation of American economic success until the mid-20th century was not that if you worked hard you would have a stable material life. It was that if you worked hard, you could create such a life. The difference is not semantic; it is fundamental, and for Obama and many, many others, it has become blurred. The equation articulated by Obama and likely shared by a significant majority of Americans is that if you work hard, you should receive economic security and see the same for your children. The flip side of that theory is that if you don’t gain economic security, something is wrong with the system, and government has a responsibility to provide when that system fails.

The belief that something is a given simply by birthright is never a formula for long-term strength. Yet at some point in the last half of the 20th century, the American dream morphed from the promise that you could realize a comfortable life, to a promise that being American meant you would and should realize that. Hence the feeling, held by so many, that promises have been betrayed and the system is broken.
 
In truth, the passing of that false certainty is a positive. Urgency and uncertainty are not negatives, at least not inherently. They can provide the necessary fuel for ambition and for creativity and work. Urgency and uncertainty were the norm in the late 19th century and look what those produced in America: the very power and prosperity that catapulted the country to the center of the globe.
 
The United States, like many affluent nations, has reached a juncture where the model that succeeded is not likely to be the model that will succeed going forward. 19th century agricultural societies gave way to 20th century industrial ones, and 20th century industrial ones are giving way to 21st century service and idea economies. None of that happened without significant pain and disruption. Nor is our transition today without substantial pain for many.
 
Government can and should be active in providing basic security for those disrupted by these changes. But the contract that has now been broken did not actually serve America well. It served the post-war generation and their children, but it does not serve a United States now embedded in a world where other societies are providing the same potential that the United States did two centuries ago when that was extremely rare. 

What’s needed is a sense the United States is a place where dreams can be made manifest, not that it is a place where everyone will be safe and secure. America remains a place where hard work and ambition and creativity can translate into a good life. It is not a place where hard work and ambition are guaranteed to yield results. And if we want a vibrant, pulsing society in the 21st century, the passing of that version of the American dream is not something to be mourned. We’ve reached the end of complacency, and not a moment too soon.
 
 

An Honest History of Howard Zinn. By Gabriel Schoenfeld.

An Honest History of Howard Zinn. By Gabriel Schoenfeld. New York Daily News, July 26, 2013.

Ralph Peters on Obama’s Vietnam Comment.

Ralph Peters on Obama’s Vietnam Comment. Video. Ralph Peters and Oliver North with Shannon Bream. America Live. Fox News, July 26, 2013. YouTube.



The Seasoned and the Dead. By Tom Daams.

The Seasoned and the Dead. By Tom Daams. Photo Essay. Foreign Policy, July 23, 2013.

On the front lines with Syria’s war-hardened rebels.

Why Iraq Was America’s Best-Run War. By John Arquilla.

Why Iraq Was America’s Best-Run War. By John Arquilla. Foreign Policy, July 23, 2013.

But that doesn’t make it a model.

Death on the Nile. By Ned Parker.

Death on the Nile. By Ned Parker. Foreign Policy, July 25, 2013.

In a small Egyptian town, a corpse washes ashore. And then things get really ugly.

How the Muslim Brotherhood Lost Egypt. By Edmund Blair, Paul Taylor, and Tom Perry.

How the Muslim Brotherhood lost Egypt. By Edmund Blair, Paul Taylor, and Tom Perry. Reuters, July 25, 2013.

Blow By Blow of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Downfall in Egypt. By Walter Russell Mead. Via Meadia, July 27, 2013.

A Decade of Disorder for the Middle East. By Philip Stephens.

In the Middle East, a decade of war promises a decade of disorder. By Philip Stephens. Financial Times, July 25, 2013.

Arabs have concluded that if the US is quitting, they had better start fighting their own corners.

Jesus Was a Rebel and a Bandit. What Made Him Also the Christian Son of God? By Adam Kirsch.

Jesus Was a Rebel and a Bandit. What Made Him Also the Christian Son of God? By Adam Kirsch. Tablet, July 24, 2013.

Friday, July 26, 2013

The Morbid Reality of Arab Civil War. By Hisham Melhem.

The morbid reality of Arab civil war. By Hisham Melhem. Al Arabiya, July 25, 2013.

Melhem:

In the last few weeks and months I have engaged in a daily morning morbid ritual; reviewing the harvest of blood by compiling the number of victims of the Arab civil war raging in Syria and Iraq with its occasional visits to Lebanon, Egypt, Yemen and Bahrain. The statistics are frightening: more than 5000 people a month are being killed in Syria. More than 450 people were killed this month in Iraq. In Egypt more than 150 people were killed in the political violence that followed the June 30 overthrow of President Mohamed Morsi. In Lebanon more than 50 people were killed last month.
 
In Iraq, Syria and Egypt a virulent, atavistic strain of terrorists in the mold of Al-Qaeda are waging a savage war on everything modern, civil and moderate.
 
In Syria state institutions are fraying, society is fragmenting and the continuation of the fighting means that Syria could reach a state of ‘soft partition’ where its sectarian and ethnic components will continue their existential struggle for a long time. In Iraq the security situation has relapsed to the previous hell of 2006 and 2007 and the country is slouching on the road to sectarian and ethnic partition. In Egypt large swaths of Sinai are not under the control of the government and the political and religious polarizations have reached unprecedented levels; with each group demonizing their opponents with astonishing zeal.
 
Arab cold war turns hot
 
In 1965 the distinguished academic Malcolm Kerr (born, raised and assassinated in Beirut) published a short classic study titled The Arab Cold War: Gamal Abd al-Nasir and His Rivals where he analyzed the state of inter-Arab relations in the late 1950’s and early 1960’s , particularly the interplay of political/ideological rivalries for the leadership of the Arab world between the camp of “progressive” Arab nationalists led by Egypt and the camp of conservative Arab monarchies led by Saudi Arabia and the personalities dominating that period, particularly that of president Nasser of Egypt. In subsequent editions Kerr carried the saga until Nasser’s death in 1970. This Arab cold war was a subtext of the wider cold war between the United States and the Soviet Union.
 
In this Arab cold war the competition was among states and it was waged on the political/ideological plain and was not based on sectarian or religious basis. Yet, there was a military dimension to this war where the competitors opted to fight each other by proxy in the limited hot conflicts that occurred in Lebanon, Jordan and particularly Yemen. The role of the major non-Arab regional players; Iran, Turkey and Israel in the Arab cold war was very limited. In the current bloody Arab civil war we see a more assertive Turkey and Iran competing vociferously to shape the future of Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and even Egypt. There is a harsh geo-political reality that drives many Arabs into a state of denial: Eastern Arabs live in the shadow of their non-Arab neighbors.
 
In the various theaters of the Arab civil war of today, we see some Arab states in addition to Iran, Turkey (and occasionally Israel), along with radical Islamists, providing arms, material and men, and playing an active role in the Syrian and Iraqi conflicts which have morphed recently into one civil war fought on a wider front including Lebanon. What makes this civil war especially dangerous and likely to rage for a long time, is the fact that it began in the wake of the Arab uprisings and after a tremendous and popular mobilization that did not exist before. In this new environment, populism, which is always worrisome, became more deadly when it was infected with the raw and primitive strain of sectarianism that almost demolished the political boundaries of the supposed sovereign states of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
 
The new Arab civil war has pushed the Arabs on the trail of a long journey into the night, where there is no dawn in sight. Some see this as the inevitable birth pangs of a new political order characteristics of transitional periods. There is no doubt that the best description of the complexities and pains of transitional periods was the one given by the brilliant Italian Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci: “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum, a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.” Morbid indeed.


4,500 Year Old Settlement Uncovered in Egypt.

4,500 Year Old Settlement Uncovered in Egypt. The Archaeology News Network, July 25, 2013.

Why Egypt Matters. By Sallama Shaker.

Why Egypt Matters. By Sallama Shaker. Yale Global, July 25, 2013.

Containing the Fire in Syria. By Ryan Crocker.

Containing the Fire in Syria. By Ryan Crocker. Real Clear Politics, July 24, 2013. Also at Yale Global.

Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations: Déjà-vu All Over Again? By Adam Garfinkle.

Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations: Déjà-vu All Over Again? By Adam Garfinkle. The American Interest, July 25, 2013.

The value of Mideast “talks about talks.” By Michael Singh. Washington Post, July 23, 2013. Also here.

Kerry’s Peace Process: Smart Diplomacy or a Complete Hash of Things? By Walter Russell Mead. Via Meadia, July 27, 2013.

What makes John Kerry think he can secure peace in Israel? By Aaron David Miller. Washington Post, July 25, 2013. Also find it here.

Thursday, July 25, 2013

A Faustian Pact: Generals as Democrats. By Steven A. Cook.

A Faustian Pact: Generals as Democrats. By Steven A. Cook. New York Times, July 25, 2013.

Egyptians’ Quarter-life Crisis. By Maria Golia.

Egyptians’ Quarter-life Crisis. By Maria Golia. New York Times, July 25, 2013.

From Egypt With Love. By Maria Golia. New York Times, July 19, 2013.

Egyptian Cleric Muhammad Al-Zughbi Calls on Allah to Annihilate Jews and Shiites in Friday Sermon.

Egyptian Cleric Muhammad Al-Zughbi Calls on Allah to Annihilate Jews and Shiites in Friday Sermon. MEMRI TV, Video Clip No. 3914, May 24, 31, 2013. YouTube.




Transcript:

Following are excerpts from Friday sermons delivered by Egyptian cleric Muhammad Al-Zughbi, which aired on Amjad TV on May 24 and 31, 2013:
 
May 24, 2013:
 
Muhammad Al-Zughbi: Oh Allah, protect Egypt from the manipulators and the corrupt. Protect it from the criminal traitors and the criminal rafidites [Shiites]. Protect it from the accursed Jews. Protect it from the Crusaders and from those who are ignorant of their religion. Oh Allah, protect Egypt from all Your enemies.
 
[...]
 
Oh Allah, destroy the accursed Jews. Oh Allah, disperse them and kill them all, turn their children into orphans and their wives into widows. Let them serve as a warning.
 
[...]
 
Oh Allah, destroy the Arab rulers. Bring dark hours upon them, and demonstrate the wonders of Your might upon them. Oh Allah, abandon them, just as they abandoned Syria. Oh Allah, destroy them and put them to shame for the whole world to see.
 
[...]
 
Oh Allah, destroy Bashar, destroy the Shiite Iranians, destroy Hizbullah, destroy that infidel, Hassan Nasrallah. Inflict cancer and pain upon him. Bring Your might to bear upon him and upon the Shiites of Iraq. Bring dark hours upon them, and demonstrate the wonders of Your might upon them. You destroyed Aad and Thamud, Nimrod, and Pharaoh – annihilate the Shiites.
 
[...]
 
May 31, 2013:
 
Oh Allah, protect our country, Egypt, from the corrupt, protect it from the criminal traitors, from the accursed Jews and the criminal Shiites, protect it from the Crusaders and from all Your enemies, the enemies of Islam.
 
[...]
 
Oh Allah, support the Sunnis in Syria, feed the hungry among them, quench the thirst of the thirsty among them, cover the naked among them, strengthen them, and guide their shooting. Oh Allah, support the Sunnis in Syria. Everybody ganged up against them, and deceivers deceived them. Oh Allah, the rulers of the Arabs and the Muslims united against them. They are hypocrites, along with the accursed U.S.A., for the benefit of Israel. Oh Allah, the rafidite Shiites from Iran, from Hizbullah, and from Iraq came to them, slaughtered their sons, and humiliated their women.
 
Oh Allah, their children and infants are slaughtered with knives in front of their fathers and their mothers. Have mercy upon the infants and the children. Girls, women, and mothers were raped by the rafidite Shiites.
 
[...]
 
Oh Allah, have mercy upon them! The rafidite Shiites slaughtered them in their homes, in front of their families. Have mercy upon the children and upon the girls who were raped. Have mercy upon the Sunnis. Have mercy! We are pleading with you, in Your mosque, today. We do not plead with anyone but You. we do not plead with presidents, ministers, kings, or princes. We have given up on them. We beg you, have mercy! We do not plead with anyone but You. We pray to You.


Egyptian Cleric Muhammad Al-Zoghbi: Pharaoh Would Ride the Jews Like the Donkeys They Are. MEMRI TV, Video Clip No. 2648, March 9, 2010. YouTube.




Transcript:

Following are experts from a religious program featuring Egyptian cleric Muhammad Al-Zoghbi, which aired on Al-Rahma TV on March 9, 2010:
 
Muhammad Al-Zoghbi: When [the Israelites] came to Egypt and lived with the Egyptians, they did not assimilate with them. There was no assimilation, no interaction, no intermarriage. There was nothing. Why not? Because of their condescension, their arrogance, and their conceit. We are all familiar with the Jews.

[...]
 
If an Egyptian had sex with an Israeli woman, and she became pregnant, she would rip open her belly so as not to bear his child. Why? Because she believes that she belongs to the Chosen People.
 
[...]
 
[Pharaoh] would ride a Jew as one might ride a donkey. Let me show you how. Pharaoh would say: “Bring me a Jew, an Israeli.” The he would say to him: “Over here. Bend over and make like a donkey.” The Jew would crouch like a donkey, and Pharaoh would ride on his back, his legs dangling on either side. Sometimes, he would ride him sidesaddle. He would grab him by the collar, and lead him: Giddyup . . . He would ride him like a donkey because a donkey he is.
 
We do not encourage such a thing, but I must say that it is due to their sins, arrogance, and conceit that Allah sent enemies to rule them and turn them into donkey underfoot.

Nada al-Ahdal, 11-Year-Old Yemeni Girl Flees Home to Avoid Forced Marriage.

VIDEO: 11-year-old Yemeni girl flees home to avoid forced marriage. Jerusalem Post, July 23, 2013.

Nada Al-Ahdal, Yemeni Girl Who Escaped Forced Marriage, and Her Uncle: Islamists Threaten Our Lives. MEMRI TV, Video Clip No. 3923, July 24, 2013. YouTube.




JPost:

The Internet video of an 11-year-old Yemeni girl who ran away from home after her parents sought to force her into an arranged marriage has gone viral.
 
The girl, Nada al-Ahdal, is seen in the video, which was translated and first posted by the Middle East Media Research Institute, protesting her parents’ decision while accusing them of threatening her life if she refused to go along with their plans.
 
“Go ahead and marry me off. I’ll kill myself,” she is seen saying. “Don’t they have any compassion? I’m better off dead. I’d rather die,” she continued. “It’s not [the kids’] fault. I’m not the only one. It can happen to any child. . . . They have killed our dreams, they have killed everything inside us. There’s nothing left. There is no upbringing. This is criminal, this is simply criminal.”

Obama’s Knox College Speech on the Economy was a Disaster. By Nile Gardiner.

Barack Obama flops in Knox: the president’s speech was a disaster. By Nile Gardiner. The Telegraph, July 24, 2013.

President Obama Speaks on the Economy at Knox College. Video. WhiteHouse.gov, July 24, 2013. YouTube. Transcript.

President Obama’s Economic Vision: A Better Bargain for the Middle Class. WhiteHouse.gov.



General James Mattis Warns the Israeli Right. By Jeffrey Goldberg.

An American General Warns the Israeli Right. By Jeffrey Goldberg. Bloomberg, July 25, 2013.

Among the Settlers. By Jeffrey Goldberg. The New Yorker, May 31, 2004. NJBR, January 5, 2013.

Top U.S. General: We Pay a Price for Backing Israel. By J.J. Goldberg. The Jewish Daily Forward, July 25, 2013.

CENTCOM Review: Turmoil in the Mideast and Southwest Asia. Video. AspenInstitute, July 20, 2013. YouTube. Mattis’s comments on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict start at 41:22, and he returns to the subject in response to an audience question at 47:28.




Jeffrey Goldberg:

Last weekend, Marine Corps General James Mattis, the recently retired leader of U.S. Central Command and a man known inside the White House for his sharp opinions (which is one reason he’s no longer leading Central Command) issued a very sharp opinion about Israel’s future.
 
Speaking at a security conference in Aspen, Colorado, Mattis warned Israel that time was running out for it to reverse its West Bank settlement project.
 
“We have got to find a way to make the two-state solution that Democrat and Republican administrations have supported, we’ve got to get there,” he said. “And the chances for it, as the king of Jordan has pointed out, are starting to ebb because of the settlements and where they’re at, are going to make it impossible to maintain the two-state option.”
 
After blaming the lack of peace squarely on the settlements, he went a step further, and raised the incendiary question of apartheid: “If I’m Jerusalem and I put 500 Jewish settlers out here to the east and there’s 10,000 Arab settlers in here, if we draw the border to include them, either it ceases to be a Jewish state or you say the Arabs don’t get to vote – apartheid. That didn’t work too well the last time I saw that practiced in a country.”
 
Mattis has homed in on the precise issue that alienates liberal-minded Americans and Israelis: the West Bank double standard. Although Israel, within its 1967 borders, is a democracy in which Arabs have legal and voting rights, the West Bank is a two-tiered political entity: Jewish settlers in Hebron have the rights of Israeli citizens, but their Arab neighbors – people who sometimes live mere yards away – are under military occupation, without the same rights. This is a politically and morally untenable arrangement, and Mattis was right to call it out.
 
He was wrong to blame the lack of peace solely on Israel – the Palestinians have rejected one compromise offer after another, and the Gaza Strip, which would make up about half the future Palestinian state, is under the control of Hamas, which seeks Israel’s elimination – but he isn’t wrong to identify the settlements as an enormous impediment to compromise.
 
Mattis is also conveying conventional Pentagon wisdom, and this is why the settlers, and their advocates in the cabinet of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, ought to be paying close attention, because they can’t forever stand against the opinions of men like Mattis (who, by the way, couldn’t be considered “anti-Israel” by any stretch of the imagination).
 
Mattis went on to make another assertion that Netanyahu’s cabinet ought to heed: “I paid a military security price every day as the commander of Centcom because the Americans were seen as biased in support of Israel and that moderates all the moderate Arabs who want to be with us, because they can’t come out publicly in support of people who don’t show respect for the Arab Palestinians.” He went on to say that John Kerry, the U.S. secretary of state who’s trying to restart peace talks, “is right on target with what he’s doing. And I just hope the protagonists want peace and a two-state solution as much as he does.”
 
Arab rulers who complain about U.S. support for Israel to generals like Mattis are playing their American counterparts a bit: It’s very hard to imagine the Saudis and the Emiratis and the Kuwaitis and the Jordanians not taking American help – or not providing bases to the U.S. – because they’re upset by settlements. The Arabs uniformly fear and loathe Iran more than they fear and loathe Israel. Still, it’s true that American military commanders wouldn’t have to sit through quite so many lectures about Palestinian rights if there was movement on the peace process. It’s also true that men like Mattis make their own weather – that is, whether he’s right or wrong, this is what he believes, and it would be foolish for the Israelis, a dependent power, to ignore the feelings of powerful American generals.
 
What Israeli army generals know – and what many of their political leaders don’t seem to recognize – is that Mattis’s views are commonplace in the American defense establishment. The Israeli right can only ignore this reality for so long without doing its country permanent damage.


General James Mattis, 2005:

Don’t patronize the enemy. They mean business. They mean every word they say. They’re killing us now. Their will is not broken, They mean it. . . . If they’re there, your job is to kill them all. I did not want to have them just retreat and have to fight them all over again.

Prepare for the Israel-Palestine Peace Talks to Fail. By Natan B. Sachs.

Prepare for the Worst. By Natan B. Sachs. Foreign Policy, July 25, 2013.

It’s already time to start planning for what happens if the Middle East peace talks fall apart.

Sachs:

Last month in Jerusalem, I sat in on a small conference organized by the Yesha Council, the central organization of Israeli settlers in the West Bank. A featured speaker was Naftali Bennett, leader of the far-right Jewish Home party and minister of economy, who made a simple point: The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is not solvable.
 
To underline his point, Bennett spoke of a friend from military service who suffered a shrapnel wound close to his spine – “near his backside,” Bennett said, in a line that immediately made headlines. The doctors told his friend that they could operate, but he’d run a serious risk of paralysis to his lower limbs. Alternatively, the friend could learn to live with an unpleasant but manageable problem.
 
The medical choice was clear, Bennett said. And the choice facing Israel was clear as well: Rather than try to solve an unsolvable conflict with the Palestinians and risk catastrophe, Israel should opt for limited and practical measures to manage the reality in the West Bank. The death of the two-state solution may be unpleasant for can-do Westerners to acknowledge, he argued, but the depth of the conflict and the number of settlers now living in the West Bank precludes a peace agreement.
 
It’s a good story, but Bennett’s parallel is, in fact, wrong. And yet Secretary of State John Kerry’s motivation for pushing to revive Middle East peace negotiations was actually similar. Kerry reasoned that if the two-state solution is not achieved soon – perhaps in the coming two years – it might never be possible. Soon, in other words, Bennett and others who make the same point would be right.
 
While hoping for the best, and striving to make it reality, we should also prepare for the worst. While Kerry must lay the groundwork for giving the resumed peace talks the best chance of success, he must also plan for their failure. If the negotiations collapse, there is a danger that people will take the secretary of state at his word and conclude that the door to peace is finally shut. Whatever happens at the negotiating table, Kerry must ensure that he doesn’t help convince people that Bennett, after all, was correct.
 
The risk of failure is real. The Israelis and Palestinians are far apart on the most important issues and, moreover, each of the sides suspects the other has entered the talks with bad intentions. Trust is hard to come by these days in the Holy Land: Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas fears that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is only interested in talks for the sake of talks, in order to ease international pressure on Israel. Netanyahu suspects that Abbas, faced with a Palestinian society where most oppose a return to the negotiating table, has entered the talks just to avoid blame for Kerry's failure, and will continue to play the blame game during the negotiations.
 
The bad news is that they may both be right. Kerry’s creative ambiguity, which was necessary to get the talks off the ground, will apparently entail him enunciating terms of reference – notably referring to the 1967 borders as a starting point for negotiations. This will permit each side to voice its reservations about these parameters before entering into negotiations. The sides have agreed to disagree, in other words, but they have agreed to do so in the same room.
 
To avoid the blame game, Kerry seems to have wisely insisted on the secrecy of the talks. Maintaining the discreet nature of the negotiations throughout their duration – and even if and when they stall – will help prevent the parties from backsliding into blame attribution. In general, the less hype there is around the talks, the less media frenzy is likely to emerge around their conclusion. The less the United States apportions failure or blame, the less credible the sides' accusations will be.
 
If the talks do collapse, will Kerry find the peace process back to where it started – or could the situation be even worse? Many fear that unmet expectations may lead to an outbreak of violence, and point to the outbreak of the Second Intifada in the wake of the much-hyped 2000 Camp David summit as evidence. In the ensuing bloodshed, more than 4,000 people lost their lives over the next four years.
 
But those drawing parallels between today and the Second Intifada risk learning the wrong lessons from history. Much of the events of 2000 had to do with internal dynamics and decisions of both parties before the collapse of peace talks. The Palestinian organizations – including the grassroots militia of Yasir Arafat’s Fatah Movement – were preparing for violence long before the disappointment of Camp David. And the Israelis were already preparing a forceful response to Palestinian violence – a response that may have helped turn the conflict into a full blown and horrifically violent intifada.
 
Today, the circumstances are different. Abbas is not Arafat, and the Palestinian security organizations have been thoroughly reformed under the leadership of former Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. At present, military cooperation between Israelis and Palestinians in the West Bank is good, and is supported by an ongoing U.S. effort to maintain security. On the Israeli side, too, responsible and cool-headed generals now command the forces in the West Bank – men who are well aware of the dangers of over-reaction.
 
Yet even if a failure of negotiations does not lead to an outbreak of violence, it could lead to renewed demands on the Palestinian side for dissolving the Palestinian Authority. Palestinians are weary of the peace process, and there is real risk that they will increasingly prefer dangerous (and unrealistic) aspirations for a one state “solution.” There is also the risk of growing demands in Israel to annex less inhabited parts of the West Bank to Israel proper: Naftali Bennett, for example, has called for annexation of "Area C," which includes all the Israeli settlements. Most in the Israeli political system still oppose a move along these lines.
 
Staving off worst-case scenarios is possible, but requires close attention – even as Kerry’s energy is devoted to giving his effort the best chance of success. The secretary of state will also have to lay the groundwork for keeping the possibility of future negotiations alive, even if this round of talks stalls. To do so, Washington should prepare steps that fall short of a final-status agreement. The United States, and even Israel, may, for example, recognize the state of Palestine even before agreement on its borders or its relations to Israel is finalized. This suggestion is less outlandish then it might seem: Several Israeli politicians, including the hawkish former Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon, suggested doing just that. Doing so would help protect some degree of Palestinian self-rule from rash steps in the wake of failure.
 
Further interim steps, while undoubtedly difficult, would go a long way for providing the peace process with a safety net. Israel, for example, may return to the idea of limited disengagement in the West Bank. Under such plans, Israel would pull out of most of the West Bank without a final status agreement, shaping its own eastern border. The authority in the vacated area would then presumably fall to the Palestinian Authority, just as it did in the Gaza Strip did when Israel evacuated in 2005. It is important that such steps be coordinated with the Palestinians as much as possible – rather than unilaterally implemented, as they were in 2005 – so that they encourage rather than preclude future negotiation.
 
Skeptics (like me) have been wrong before. This round of peace talks may succeed, and we should wish wholeheartedly for their success. Netanyahu has the political backing – from opposition parties, if necessary – to make bold, historic decisions. Abbas may prove skeptics wrong and demonstrate courageous leadership in the face of difficult circumstances.
 
And yet, even while wishing the parties Godspeed, we should also think seriously about the possibility that the talks may fail. Washington should make sure that the ultimate winners of this peace effort are not those who oppose peace.


Kerry’s Captain Ahab Quest. By David Ignatius.

Kerry’s Captain Ahab Quest. By David Ignatius. Real Clear Politics, July 25, 2013. Also at the Washington Post.