Sunday, August 11, 2013

The Dream of Muslim Democracy Is Dead. By Yasmin Alibhai-Brown.

In Muslim lands there was a dream of democracy. But now it has died. By Yasmin Alibhai Brown. The Independent, August 9, 2013.

Alibhai-Brown:

It hurts to write this essay when Muslims are celebrating Eid after Ramadan. Summertime fasts are tough – 19 hours without water, other fluids or food. It tests personal strength and faith. Fasters are also supposed to give more to the needy. This is a time to feel good about being a Muslim.
 
You are meant to reflect too on the religion itself – its significance and future. When I do that, the tranquillity and joy of Ramadan soon dissipate and I fill up with guilt, shame and anxiety. Muslims try so hard to live a good life, yet round the world the most horrific violence is perpetrated by Muslims, most often against fellow believers. Promises of democracy fade faster than a summer tan; freedoms are snatched, liberties crushed, equality excised from the official vocabulary. Misery, misery everywhere. Worldwide, Muslims are dying to be free, to live in just and fair societies. The Arab Spring was real and authentic, a surge to claim human rights and remake ossified nations that were ruled by dictators. The world was caught up in that extraordinary moment. What happened next?
 
In Tunisia, where it all started, two popular secular leaders, Chokri Belaid and Mohamed Brahmi, have been assassinated this year and people are afraid and on the streets again. Back in 2011, a young Egyptian vet told a reporter: “We are sick of the military council which is using the same tools as Mubarak.” Now the military is back and posing as a liberationist army. Before the coup, Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, once elected, instantly turned authoritarian. Assad, the butcher of Syria, smiled winningly during Eid prayers, a smile that said he was quashing the very idea of democracy by any means necessary. Massacres and torture are normalised in that wretched country from where millions of refugees are fleeing to Jordan.
 
Violence, it appears, is the easy answer for all Muslim problems. Look at Lebanon, Iraq and Pakistan – and in countries where Muslims share the land with others. In northern Nigeria, where Christian-Muslim enmity goes deep, Boko Haram bombs and slays Christians in order to provoke a religious war. In Libya, chaos grows and vendettas never stop. Saif al-Islam goes on trial in a lawless country.
 
Last month, in one day alone in Iraq, more than 50 people were killed. Minority Muslim communities in Pakistan are routinely murdered, as are girls and women for daring to get a life. That letter from the Taliban headman to Malala Yousafzai revealed how millions think out there. A bomb hidden in a cemetery in Nangarhar, eastern Afghanistan, killed seven women and seven children who had come out to celebrate Eid.
 
The Turkish state was the great white hope (pardon the phrase) of the Islamic world. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan was a temperate, Islamicist politician who took care of his people, improved the economy and seemed inclusive and respectful of all views. Then he showed his true colours. Secularists and environmentalists who came out to protect an Istanbul park from development and vent other grievances have been savagely put down. A wedding party in the park was tear gassed. Now dozens of secular army chiefs, academics and journalists have been imprisoned for life for a “deep plot” against the state. Turkey already imprisons more journalists than any other country. Those who wanted to keep Turkey out of the European Union for the wrong reasons can now argue rightly that the leadership barely understands the basic principles of freedom and democracy.
 
You find oppression and tyrannical leaders in non-Muslim countries too – in Russia, Zimbabwe and China, for example. But these places are not indicative of a pattern, a widespread cultural sickness. One finds that pattern, that sickness, in large parts of the Muslim world. In a tweet, I wondered why Muslims the world over were so destructive and self-destructive, which led to many responses on the web and in the post. Some were from the usual bigots, as well as the educated followers of the atheist ayatollah Richard Dawkins – buzzing and stinging like late-summer wasps, asking to be swatted. The most moving were outpourings from good Muslims themselves.
 
Naila, an Egyptian woman I befriended in Cairo just after the fall of Mubarak, wrote: “You remember Yasmeen [sic], you were with us during Eid and we were so happy. You gave me a shawl and I gave you perfume. I was thinking Egypt is free, Egypt is free. It is not. I went to the square with other free Egyptians and three times, men tried to touch me badly, push me, one pulled my blouse up and pushed me to the ground. My country is now in the biggest prison. Muslims will never be free. They don’t know what to do with freedom. We can only have dictators. Pray for me sister and my country.”
 
So is she right – that Muslims can be controlled only by dictators? No. She is completely wrong. Some of the most ardent campaigners for democracy I know are Egyptian, Algerian, Libyan, Iraqi, Pakistani, Turkish and Iranian. Duplicitous American and European governments prefer Muslim dictatorships (like Bahrain and Saudi Arabia) to messy elections, and will never do anything about Israel’s ambitions and illegal operations. But these democrats want in their lands the democratic entitlements of Muslims in Europe and North America. Alas, after this summer – in which brutality has been the habitual mark of leaders as well as citizens – that energy, zeal and optimism seem to be weakening. A new realism is blowing in.

Muslims are becoming more self-critical, and about time too. Some now believe this is our dark age, when rage rules and there is no place for the intellect, humanity, love, civic responsibility and co-operation that were all part of our great civilisations of the past. In response to my tweet, Ahmad, an Independent reader, sent me a short story (not for publication) in which a suicide bomber leaves a note saying: “Guns and bombs have killed Islam. I die. There is no hope.” But there is hope. There must be.

Friday, August 9, 2013

Richard Dawkins and Neil DeGrasse Tyson on Islam.

Richard Dawkins on Islam. Twitter, August 8, 2013.

All the world’s Muslims have fewer Nobel Prizes than Trinity College, Cambridge. They did great things in the Middle Ages, though.

Richard Dawkins Twitter.

Islam and the Left. Video. Cathy Areu  interviewed by Greg Gutfeld. The O’Reilly Factor. Fox News, August 9, 2013.

Richard Dawkins’ tweets on Islam are as rational as the rants of an extremist Muslim cleric. By Nesrine Malik. The Guardian, August 8, 2013.

Neil DeGrasse Tyson and the Myth of Islamic Anti-Science. By Arsalan Ibrahim.
The Daily Banter, August 12, 2010.

Neil DeGrasse Tyson: The Islamic Golden Age. Naming Rights. Video. uzomad, March 18, 2012. YouTube. Also here.




Neil DeGrasse Tyson: The Effect of Islam on Science in the Middle East, 9th-12th Centuries. Video. theinquisitor, February 8, 2007. YouTube.



How Al Qaeda Won the Arab Spring. By Marc Lynch.

The Gift. By Marc Lynch. Foreign Policy, August 8, 2013. Also here.

How the Arab Spring turned out to be a win for al Qaeda.

MOOC Fever Breaks. By Walter Russell Mead.

MOOC Fever Breaks. By Walter Russell Mead. Via Meadia, August 9, 2013.

Online education can be good or cheap, but not both. By Reihan Salam. Reuters, July 26, 2013.

Israel and the Gulf States: It’s Complicated. By Raphael Ahren.

Israel and the Gulf states: It’s complicated. By Raphael Ahren. The Times of Israel, August 9, 2013.

Exploiting Egypt’s Rape Culture for Political Gain. By Anna Lekas Miller.

Exploiting Egypt’s Rape Culture for Political Gain. By Anna Lekas Miller. The Nation, August 8, 2013.

Thursday, August 8, 2013

What Is Libertarian Populism? By Conn Carroll.

What is libertarian populism? By Conn Carroll. Washington Examiner, August 8, 2013.

Democrats Have Become the Party of Concentrated Elite Power. By Yuval Levin. NJBR, July 31, 2013. With related articles and link to NJBR posts on libertarian populism.

The New Republican Party. By Ronald Reagan. NJBR, April 2, 2013.

Why Isn’t Rick Santorum the GOP 2016 Frontrunner? By Byron York.

Why isn’t Rick Santorum the GOP 2016 frontrunner? By Byron York. Washington Examiner, August 7, 2013.

In the Middle East, Follow the Violence. By Evelyn Gordon.

In the Middle East, Follow the Violence. By Evelyn Gordon. Commentary, August 7, 2013.

Israelis Immune to Peace Optimism. By Jonathan S. Tobin.

Israelis Immune to Peace Optimism. By Jonathan S. Tobin, Commentary, August 7, 2013.

Palestinian leader in Canada: Shoot Israeli Jews if they don’t leave Jerusalem. JTA, August 5, 2013.

Fatah celebrates murder. By Itamar Marcus and Nan Jacques Zilberdik. Palestinian Media Watch, August 6, 2013.

Glorifying terrorists and terror. Palestinian Media Watch.


Tobin:

There may be no objective reason to believe that the new round of peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians will succeed and a good chance that they will actually make things worse in the Middle East. But that hasn’t stopped Secretary of State John Kerry’s fans on the op-ed pages of our leading newspapers from continuing to applaud his efforts. Both the Washington Post’s David Ignatius and the New York Times’s Thomas Friedman think Kerry’s efforts are inspired and even clever. But apparently most Israelis don’t agree. That’s the takeaway from a new poll conducted by the Israeli Democracy Institute and Tel Aviv University published yesterday.
 
While a large majority of both Jewish and Arab Israelis favor conducting peace talks, most Israeli Jews think it would be a mistake for their country to follow Kerry’s advice and withdraw almost completely from the West Bank and dismantle many settlements, even if the Jewish state were allowed to retain most of the major settlement blocs:
The poll … found that 63 percent of Jews in Israel oppose a withdrawal to the 1967 lines with land swaps as part of any peace arrangement with the Palestinian Authority, even if it meant Israel would hold onto the Etzion Bloc, directly south of Jerusalem; Ma’aleh Adumim, east of the capital; and Ariel in the central West Bank about 34 kilometers (21 miles) east of Tel Aviv. Assuming Israeli retention of Ariel, Ma’aleh Adumim and other settlement blocs, 58% of Jewish respondents were opposed to the dismantling of other settlements.
 
The poll was conducted among 602 respondents in late July, after the announcement of new peace talks with the Palestinians, and has a statistical error of 4.5%. According to the survey, 50% of Jewish Israelis also oppose the transfer of Arab neighborhoods in Jerusalem to Palestinian Authority control with a special arrangement for Jewish holy sites.
These results, which seemingly contradict other surveys that show that a majority would back a peace deal if it were put to a referendum, will doubtlessly be interpreted in some quarters as evidence that proves Israelis really don’t want peace. But all these numbers tell us is that most Israelis have a better understanding of Palestinian political culture than Kerry, Friedman, or Ignatius. Though the desire for peace in Israel remains high, if most there don’t think territorial withdrawals are a good idea, it’s because they have no faith in the willingness of the Palestinians to make peace or to abstain from violence even if an accord was signed.
 
Let’s start by noting that most Israelis find it impossible to forget something that the peace processers keep trying to flush down the memory hole: the Palestinians have already rejected Israeli offers of statehood and withdrawal from almost all of the West Bank three times. With Hamas still in control of Gaza, the notion that a weak Mahmoud Abbas would accept a deal that the more powerful Yasir Arafat refused requires a leap of faith that most sensible people are unable to make.
 
But even if we leave aside that natural skepticism, why wouldn’t most Israelis accept such withdrawals in exchange for a peace agreement? Aren’t they persuaded by demographic arguments that claim that a continuation of the status quo will ultimately compromise Israel’s Jewish majority? And don’t they think the country would be more secure if it had an internationally recognized border that kept most of the Palestinian Arabs outside of the Jewish state?
 
Most Israelis would probably be happier if there were no demographic threat, even if the predictions of doom might be exaggerated. There’s also no question that they desire peace as ardently as those who think the country must be saved from itself.
 
But the problem is that, unlike Kerry, Friedman, and Ignatius, they also remember what happened when their country withdrew every settlement, soldier, and individual Jew from Gaza. The result was the creation of a terror state on their doorstep and few in Israel want to risk repeating that mistake in the far more strategic West Bank. Simply put, they don’t trust Abbas and his Fatah Party, which demanded the release of terrorists with blood on their hands as the price for the privilege of negotiating with them and continues to laud murderers of Jews as heroes in their official media, to make peace. If a majority thinks creating a sovereign state largely along the 1967 lines where Israeli forces could not enter is a mistake, it’s because their experience teaches them that doing so would be an invitation to more violence. Similarly, the lack of enthusiasm for dividing Jerusalem must be seen as a vote of no confidence in the willingness of the PA to not use their foothold in the city to unleash a new wave of violence.
 
That said, I still think that if Abbas were to actually sign a peace deal recognizing the legitimacy of a Jewish state and giving up the “right of return” for the descendants of the 1948 Arab refugees, a majority of Israelis might vote to approve such an agreement even if it included the withdrawals that most now think would be foolish. But since few believe Abbas can do that, talk about giving up territory merely for the sake of an accord that seems a pipe dream is inevitably seen as quixotic.
 
This poll should serve as a reminder that the calls for Israel to take great risks in the name of peace in the absence of any indication the other side means business are bound to fall on deaf ears. Neither Prime Minister Netanyahu nor his people are likely to be scared into making such sacrifices by threats of future Palestinian violence, as Ignatius thinks is Kerry’s plan. In the absence of a genuine sea change in Arab political culture that would enable Abbas to credibly pledge to keep the peace, a majority of Israelis obviously think they are better off not weakening their security. If Israelis are largely immune to peace process enthusiasm, it is because they understand their antagonists a lot better than many Americans do.


Israel’s Security Paradox: Never Safer and Never More Uncertain. By Frida Ghitis.

Israel’s Security Paradox: Never Safer and Never More Uncertain. By Frida Ghitis. The Atlantic, August 6, 2013.

Kerry Is Daring to Fail in the Mideast. By Thomas L. Friedman.

Daring to Fail. By Thomas L. Friedman. New York Times, August 6, 2013.

Wednesday, August 7, 2013

The Tea Party’s Path to Irrelevance. By James Traub.

The Tea Party’s Path to Irrelevance. By James Traub. New York Times, August 6, 2013.

The Great Egyptian Schism. By Fouad Ajami.

The Great Egyptian Schism. By Fouad Ajami. Real Clear Politics, August 7, 2013. Also at Advancing a Free Society.

Having It All Without Having Kids?

Having It All Without Having Kids? Video panel with Alisyn Camerota, Monica Crowley, and Kirsten Powers. America Live. Fox News, August 7, 2013.

Should we care that smart women aren’t having kids? By Sadhbh Walshe. The Guardian, August 7, 2013.

The Feminists are Repeating Themselves. By Rush Limbaugh. RushLimbaugh.com, August 7, 2013.

Old Videos of Rush Limbaugh with Phil Donahue and William Shatner.

Rush Limbaugh with Phil Donahue and Vladimir Pozner, 1993. Part 1. Part 2. Video. YouTube.






Rush on Donahue, 1992. Video playlist in 7 parts. YouTube.

Rush Limbaugh with William Shatner, 2009. Video. YouTube.



Russia’s Tiny Cold War. By George Friedman.

Russia’s Tiny Cold War. By George Friedman. Real Clear World, August 6, 2013.

Vlad the Impaler. By Kori Schake. Foreign Policy, August 8, 2013. Also here.

Reza Aslan on “Zealot” Controversy.

Reza Aslan on “Zealot” Controversy. Video. Imus in the Morning. Fox Business, August 6, 2013.

Review of Zealot: The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth by Reza Aslan. By Stuart Kelly. The Guardian, August 7, 2013. Hostile review.

The Book That Changed Reza Aslan’s Mind About Jesus. By Joe Fassler. The Atlantic, August 6, 2013.

Return of the Jesus Wars. By Ross Douthat. NJBR, August 4, 2013. With related articles.

Reza Aslan Misrepresents His Scholarly Credentials on Fox News. By Matthew J. Franck. NJBR, July 29, 2013. With related articles and videos.

The Myth of an “Isolationist” GOP. By Jonah Goldberg.

The Myth of an “Isolationist” GOP. By Jonah Goldberg. National Review Online, August 7, 2013.

Rumors of Republicans “returning” to a more dovish foreign policy are grossly exaggerated — in every way.

Major Hasan’s Death Spree. By Michelle Malkin.

Major Hasan’s Death Spree. By Michelle Malkin. National Review Online, August 6, 2013.

Political correctness has trumped truth in the Fort Hood massacre.

Republicans, White Voters and Racial Polarization. By Ross Douthat.

Republicans, White Voters and Racial Polarization. By Ross Douthat. New York Times, August 6, 2013.

Why White Voters Will Flee a White-Only Party. By Alex Roarty. National Journal, August 1, 2013.

Killing the Immigration Bill, Polarizing America. By Ryan Lizza. The New Yorker, July 12, 2013.

The Electoral Roots of America’s Dysfunctional Government. By Alan I. Abramowitz. Paper prepared for presentation at Conference on Governing in Polarized Times, Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, Oxford, England, April 17, 2013.

The Beltway Burkeans vs. Heartland Populists. By Ben Domenech. NJBR, July 2, 2013. With related articles by Sean Trende.

The “Country Party” and the “Court Party.” By Ross Douthat. NJBR, July 28, 2013. With related articles.