Ben-Gurion Didn’t Recognize Israel as the Nation State of the Entire Jewish People. By Chemi Shalev.
Ben-Gurion didn’t recognize Israel as the nation state of the entire Jewish people. By Chemi Shalev. Haaretz, January 8, 2014.
Shalev:
Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is demanding that the Palestinians recognize Israel
as a “Jewish State” or, in a different formulation, as the “nation state of the
Jewish people.” He says that this recognition is “the real key for peace,"
a “minimal requirement” and an “essential condition” without which there can be
no agreement.
Love it
or loathe it, one cannot understate the public relations genius behind this
stipulation. It has captured the imaginations of Israelis, Jews and many other
Israel-supporting people around the world. Secretary of State John Kerry is
said to be pressing Arab states to accept it. A decade ago it didn’t exist and,
presto, out of the blue, it is the now the lynchpin of the process, it's sine
qua non, the make or break issue.
I would
be more than happy if Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas somehow succeeded in
overcoming Palestinian objections and acceded to Netanyahu’s demand.
Palestinian recognition of Israel as the state of the Jewish people would
remove a serious obstacle to peace talks and may convince Israelis that
Palestinian rejectionism has turned a historic corner. Such a move would also
put immense pressure on Israel to be far more forthcoming in the concessions
that it needs to make to reach a deal.
But
here’s the thing: I don’t know what Netanyahu’s demand is doing for Abbas, but
it is making me increasingly uneasy. The more I think of the demand to
recognize Israel as the “nation state of the Jewish people," whatever that
is, the less I like it. In my eyes, Muslims and Christians who were born in
Israel and live there are Israelis; Jews who live in Tulsa or Tashkent are not.
Jews around the world may worship Israel but that does not make it theirs.
My
position is this: “The name Israel differentiates between the sovereign Jewish
people in its homeland, called by the name of Israel, and the Jewish people in
the world, in all the generations and in all the land, who are called the
“Jewish people” or the “people of Israel." That’s what David Ben-Gurion
wrote to Brandeis historian and philosopher Simon Rawidowicz in 1954.
Rawidowicz
– a towering Jewish intellectual whose memory has faded to the extent that he
doesn’t even have a Wikipedia entry in English to his name – was a champion of
the “equal status” of Israel and Diaspora Jewry, which he described as
“Jerusalem and Babylon”. He objected to the name Israel that Ben-Gurion had
chosen for the state because it excluded Diaspora Jews, and, in essence,
relegated them to a second-tier status.
While
denying charges of “negation of the Diaspora," as it was known then,
Ben-Gurion, in effect, agreed with Rawidowicz: Diaspora Jews can worship Israel
and can very well call themselves “the people of Israel” if they wish, but they
are not Israelis, and Israel is not their country unless and until they choose
to live there.
Likud
leaders from Menachem Begin to Netanyahu have been systematically erasing
Ben-Gurion’s fine line. As columnist Doron Rosenblum meticulously recorded over
the years in Haaretz, the Likud and the religious right have steadily
downgraded secular “Israeliness” as inherently alien and leftist and fostered
traditional “Jewishness” for ideological, political and cultural reasons in its
stead. When the Likud first came to power in 1977, most Jewish Israelis defined
themselves as being Israelis before being Jews, but a majority now claims the
opposite.
And if
Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people as a whole, then the prime
minister, ipso facto, is the prime minister of Jews wherever they may be.
That’s why Netanyahu can tell the U.S. Congress “I speak on behalf of the
Jewish people,” That’s how he can openly call on U.S. Jews to “stand up and be
counted” in his campaign against U.S. policies on Iran. That’s why he made no
effort to correct David Gregory who anointed him “Leader of the Jewish people”
on Meet the Press last year.
The
right wing, in fact, would like to adopt the Jewish people wholesale, wherever
they are, and to thus prop up the Jewish majority in the “Greater Land of
Israel” by remote control or even, potentially, by giving Diaspora Jews the
vote. And by demanding that hundreds of thousands of Israeli Arabs be
“transferred” to another sovereignty and another citizenship, Netanyahu’s
deputy and Israel’s Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman is only confirming the
claims of many Palestinians: that by recognizing Israel as a Jewish state,
Abbas would be giving his blessing to those, like Lieberman, who view the
citizenship of Israeli Arabs as second rate and expendable.
Don’t
get me wrong: As long as there is a Jewish majority in Israel, I have no
problem with its Jewish character or with its decision to grant automatic
citizenship to any Jew who wishes to make it their home. Ancient ties,
millennia of devotion and 20th century horrors justify such a position.
If
Netanyahu had demanded that Abbas recognize the historic links between Israel
and the Jewish people or its centrality in Israeli life, I would be backing him
all the way. But Netanyahu has not only injected Abbas into the whole “Who is a
Jew” conundrum, he wants him to accept that a Jew who lives in Buenos Aires has
a weightier connection to Israel than the Palestinian family that has lived in
Shfaram or in Tirah or in Taybe for hundreds of years.
That
may be a reasonable position for Jewish uber-patriots, but it’s a bridge too
far for me.
I have
never accepted the contention that in order to be a Zionist one has to live in
Israel. One can be a Zionist and support Israel even if one lives in Timbuktu.
But one cannot live in Timbuktu and claim Israel as one’s own. Abbas may choose
to accept Netanyahu’s demand, but as far as I am concerned, Israel is an
Israeli state, and it is the nation state of Jews who choose to live in it.
Period.