The Exodus in Biblical Memory. By Ronald Hendel.
The Exodus in Biblical Memory. By Ronald Hendel. Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 120, No. 4 (Winter 2001). Also here.
Exodus: A Book of Memories. By Ronald S. Hendel. Bible Review, Vol. 18, No. 4 (August 2002). Also here.
Hendel:
The
Exodus from Egypt is a focal point of ancient Israelite religion. Virtually
every kind of religious literature in the Hebrew Bible-prose narrative,
liturgical poetry, didactic prose and prophecy—celebrates the Exodus as a
foundational event. Israelite ritual, law and ethics are often grounded in the
precedent and memory of the Exodus. In the Ten Commandments, Yahweh identifies
himself as the one “who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the house
of bondage” (Exodus 20:2 = Deuteronomy 5:6). The deliverance from Egypt is the
main historical warrant for the covenanted religious bond between Yahweh and
his people Israel. In some texts (and featured prominently in the Haggadah, the
traditional retelling of the Exodus story at the Passover Seder), the
historically distant event is drawn into the present by the elastic quality of
genealogical time: “You shall tell your son on that day, ‘It is because of what
Yahweh did for me when he brought me out of Egypt’” (Exodus 13:8; see also
Deuteronomy 6:20–25). In its existential actuality, the Exodus, more than any
other event of the Hebrew Bible, embodies William Faulkner’s adage: “The past
is never dead. It’s not even past.”
But is
it true? Well, yes and no.
Does
the story contain real history? Very probably yes, although it’s not easy to
pinpoint.
The
biblical account is a conflation of history and memory—a mixture of historical
truth and fiction, composed of “authentic” historical details, folklore motifs,
ethnic self-fashioning, ideological claims and narrative imagination. It was
communicated orally and then in written texts and circulated in a wide
discursive network. We may plausibly assume that the Bible (including its
constituent documentary sources) depends in various ways on earlier discourses,
both oral and written. The collective memory of the Exodus is, in this sense,
situated in a history of discourses. It is the remembered past that we have in
our Bibles. The past and the present are interrelated in collective memory.
The Exodus from Egypt: Myth or Reality? By Baruch Halpern. The Rise of Ancient Israel. By Hershel Shanks, William G. Dever, Baruch Halpern, and P. Kyle McCarter, Jr. Washington, D.C.: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1992.
Halpern:
Under
what circumstances did Romulus and Remus found Rome? What was the role of
Hercules, or Jason and the Argonauts, in creating a unified Mycenaean
consciousness? If you can answer those questions, you are ready to tackle the
issue of the Exodus. For our accounts of the Exodus reflect the prehistory of
the Israelite nation, or, perhaps, of some part of it.
The
closest parallel to the Book of Exodus in the ancient West is Homer’s Odyssey. Both are stories of
migration—of identity suspended until the protagonist—Odysseus or
Israel—reaches a home. Neither account records events of the sort that are
likely to have left marks in the archaeological record, or even in
contemporaneous monuments. At both ends of the journey, though, in Egypt and
Israel or at Troy and Ithaca, the narrative can be said to reflect local
conditions. In both cases, our sources reflect long-term oral transmission,
followed by authoritative codification in writing. In both cases, there is
evidence of that peculiar process of oral transmission in which the story is
renegotiated with each separate audience each time it is told. Each story
reflects a healthy admixture of fancy with whatever is being recalled.
The Odyssey is the story of an individual at
odds with sorceresses, one-eyed cannibals and sirens—very much like a metaphor
for the journey of a social welfare bill through the legislature. The
implausibility of the story occasions no great difficulty: Augustine tells us
that the Odyssey was taught as gospel in the Greek world of his day; it is
basically a piece of children’s literature. So, in its way, is the story of the
Exodus.
But the
Exodus is not the story of an individual; it is the story of a nation. It is
the historical myth of an entire people, a focal point for national identity.
The Exodus story was to the ancient Israelite what the stories of the Pilgrims
and the Revolutionary War are to Americans. At a deep level, in fact, our
American fathers modeled their notions of identity and history on the Exodus.
The
Exodus coded certain common values into the culture. All Israel shared the
background of the ancestors—all Israel had been slaves in Egypt. Whatever one’s
biological ancestry, to be an Israelite meant that one’s ancestors—spiritual or
emotive or collective ancestors—had risen from Egypt to conquer Canaan. YHWH liberated the Israelites from Egypt
and executed a covenant with them. The covenant stipulated that, in return for
their emancipation and for the gift of the land of Canaan, Israel would worship
YHWH and obey his law. In Near
Eastern culture, a sovereign who saved his subjects from ruin and gave them
land merited loyalty. This nexus furnished the myth of the Passover, celebrated
every spring as the green wheat broke ground. This was the story of how Israel
came to be, and how it came into possession of Canaan. For without the conquest
of Canaan, the Exodus would have been without a point.
The
earliest Israelite Passover ritual already incorporated the pretense that the
participants were in transition from Egypt to Israel, from bondage to freedom:
The unleavened bread they ate was (and is) the “bread of affliction,” the
unleavened bread that their ancestors ate on leaving Egypt. And the roasted
lamb they ate was the stuff of rugged campfires; it reflected the absence of
basic amenities—since in civilized settings, meat was always boiled. The ritual
of the Passover, in sum, always presupposed the threshold location of the
celebrant, between bondage and freedom, between Egypt and Canaan, in the realm
of the uncivilized.
The
difference between the early Israelite celebration and the Jewish festival is
this: The Jewish celebrant in the Diaspora expresses hopes for national
reintegration; the ancient Israelites knew, from the bleatings of the flocks
and from the greening of the landscape all around them, that the festival would
leave them in possession of the land of Canaan.
Yet
modern scholarship divorces the Exodus from its completion in the conquest. For
the relation of the Exodus to Israel’s settlement of Canaan is no longer as
clear as it was to the Israelites of the Iron Age. Neither the date of the
Exodus nor the duration of Israel’s sojourn in Egypt can now be ascertained
with any confidence. Consequently, we cannot accurately gauge the interval
between the Exodus and the emergence of Israel in Canaan. More the pity: to the
Israelite of the Iron Age, the events were all but simultaneous; this is the
reason that the Book of Joshua locates Israel’s entry into Canaan at the time
of the Passover (Joshua 4:19, 5:10–11).
The
historical uncertainty arises from the nature of our sources, and of the events
reported. Endless generations of oral recital have made themselves felt in
shaping the literature. The accounts—of J, E, P, D, and other sources—differ in
detail. And the story of the Exodus is so central to Israelite identity that
changes in that identity almost unconsciously registered in the evolution of
the story. Nevertheless, behind the Exodus story events can be discerned that,
unlike those of the patriarchal narratives, can be termed historical in scale.
How to Tell a Canaanite from an Israelite. By William G. Dever. The Rise of Ancient Israel. By Hershel Shanks, William G. Dever, Baruch Halpern, and P. Kyle McCarter, Jr. Washington: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1992.
Ceramics, Ethnicity, and the Question of Israel’s Origins. By William G. Dever. The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. 58, No. 4 (December 1995).
Dever:
The
thirteenth/twelfth century BCE “Proto-Israelite” entity or polity that I have
tried here to characterize archaeologically as an ethnic group was not, of course, homogenous in the beginning,
because its members were of diverse origins. We must probably think of most of
the highland colonists as “displaced Canaanites” (both geographically and
ideologically), including an assortment of urban refugees, social dropouts and
malcontents, migrant farmers, resedentarized pastoralists, perhaps some
Shasu-like bedouin and other immigrants from Transjordan, and even some
newcomers from Syria and Anatolia. All these peoples were among those displaced
by the radical socio-economic and cultural upheavals at the end of the Bronze
Age toward the late thirteenth century BCE. But the new alignments that followed soon produced, among the other
coalitions, our “Proto-Israelites,” emerging
as an agrarian socio-economic movement on the highland frontier, and thus
with sufficient solidarity to constitute an “ethnic group.” This group
certainly possessed an ideology as part of its self-awareness (although this is
difficult to discern archaeologically) and perhaps pronounced
"reformed" tendencies, as such dissident groups have often had.
The foregoing seems to me to be the most likely
scenario at the moment for the origins and early development of ancient Israel.
Yet it must be confessed that it is in sharp contrast to the biblical tradition
of the Exodus and Conquest—a theological dilemma that few archaeologists, those
who precipitated the current crises about “Israelite origins”—are willing to
face. I can only suggest that we must presuppose a complex, multi-faceted
process for the formation of the later literary tradition of the “origin
stories.” Thus we are dealing here with literature,
which does not reflect “real” life directly or even necessarily accurately—especially
ancient literature, which never claims to be historical in the modern sense.
Literature reflects life imaginatively. The biblical writers and editors are
therefore interpreting events; seeing the past through “the eyes of faith”;
looking at monarchical Israel after its history is finished, trying to make
sense of it all. When the authors of the Bible do look back, the fact that a
small and obscure people from the fringes of the desert became, even briefly, a
great nation; that despite their fecklessness, Yahweh revealed himself to them
through prophets and priests; and that even a remnant survived the Assyrian and
Babylonian onslaught and kept their faith intact-all this seemed miraculous. It
must have been God’s doing all along! Such a conclusion may be somewhat skewed
historically; it may seem to us naive theologically; and it certainly cannot be
confirmed archaeologically. But the Bible’s “explanation” of Israel’s birth may
be in some ways as good as our own, for much about ancient Israel still remains
a mystery, if not a miracle.
The “Exodus-Conquest” story is perhaps really about
only a small group, the central unrepresentative group, the southern tribes of
Ephraim and Manasseh, who were sometimes called the “House of Joseph,” because
of the obvious Egyptian connection in one strand of the early tradition. If we
ask then how the story of the “House of Joseph” became in time the story of “all
Israel,” the answer may be deceptively simple. It was they who in the end told the story; and quite naturally,
they included all those who later reckoned themselves part of
biblical Israel. In time most people no doubt believed that they had been in
Egypt.
A simple analogy may help us to understand this
phenomenon. In mainstream American tradition, we all celebrate Thanksgiving as
though we ourselves had come to these shores on the Mayflower. That is the
myth; yet in fact, most of us got here some other way. My ancestors came from
County Donegal in the potato famine 150 years ago. Yours may have come as
slaves from Africa or from the ghettos of Europe, or as farm workers from
Mexico. But spiritually (yes!), we are all Pilgrims: that is what makes us “Americans.” So are the myths
of Israel’s origins, or ours, true? Of
course they are—in the deepest sense. That we can put off our religious or
cultural hat, and temporarily don the hat of the modern skeptical historian or
archaeologist, does not necessarily alter or diminish the value of the
tradition. We are what we believe we are, just as ancient Israel was.
How Did Israel Become a People? The Genesis of Israelite Identity. By Avraham Faust. Biblical Archaeology Review, Vol. 35, No. 6 (November/December 2009).
Migrations, Ethnogenesis, and Settlement Dynamics: Israelites in Iron Age Canaan and Shuwa-Arabs in the Chad Basin. By Thomas E. Levy and Augustin F. C. Holl. Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology, Vol. 21, No. 1, (March 2002).
Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, Philistines, and Early Israel, 1300-1100 B.C.E. By Ann E. Killebrew. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005.
Exploring Exodus: The Oppression. By Nahum M. Sarna. The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. 49 No. 2 (June 1986).
The Exodus and the Settlement in Canaan. By H. H. Rowley. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 85 (February 1942).
The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment. By James M. Weinstein. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 241 (Winter 1981).
Were the Jews Slaves in Egypt? By S. David Sperling. NJBR, June 20, 2013. With related articles.
Was King Saul Impaled on the Wall of Beth Shean? By Amihai Mazar. NJBR, June 8, 2013. With related articles.
The Exodus and Cultural Memory. By Ronald Hendel. Video. Biblical Archaeology Society. (BAS Membership required.)
Ancient
Israel’s Exodus from Egypt, rather than being a single, momentous event that
can be confirmed through archaeology, should be viewed as a deep-seated
cultural memory that allowed disparate groups of highland villagers and escaped
Canaanite slaves to coalesce into a single people. How this story arose and why
the early Israelites adopted this memory are key questions, which find coherent
answers in the relationship between Canaan and the Egyptian empire of the Late
Bronze Age. By fusing historical and fictional memories, the story created the
necessary social context for the birth of Israel as a people.
Out of Egypt: Israel’s Exodus Between Text and Memory, History and Imagination. By Noah Wiener. Bible History Daily, February 6, 2014. With links to videos from the Qualcomm Institute conference to be added.
Exodus: Out of Egypt: Transdisciplinary Perspectives on Archaeology, Text and Memory. Qualcomm Institute. Calit2. University of California at San Diego.
Website introduction by Thomas E. Levy:
This
website does not advocate any solutions to the story of ancient Israel’s Exodus
from Egypt, known from the Old Testament or Hebrew Bible. Rather, it highlights
new transdisciplinary perspectives on this ancient puzzle based on an
international conference held May 31 to June 3, 2013 in Calit2’s Qualcomm
Institute at UC San Diego. The conference – Out of Egypt: Israel’s Exodus
Between Text and Memory, History and Imagination – brought together more than
40 of the world’s leading archaeologists, Biblical scholars, Egyptologists,
historians and geo-scientists. In tandem, the Qualcomm Institute staged an
exhibition, EX3: Exodus, Cyber-Archaeology and the Future, through June 9, as
an experiment in trans-disciplinary research, team science, and scholarly
communication using technologies developed for the museum of the future.
Archaeologists and Biblical scholars teamed with computer scientists,
engineers, geo-scientists and sonic artists to show how 21st century collaboration
in these fields can provide new ways of looking at ancient historical problems.
Nearly four dozen scientists contributed their unique expertise and worked “out
of the (disciplinary) box” in search of potential answers to historical
questions. They explored cyber-archaeology data collection, analyses and
dissemination, and the exhibition featured new 3D and large-scale visualization
platforms developed by the Qualcomm Institute as prototype display systems for
the museum of the future. At right is a collection of images from the
conference and exhibition. Below, this portal features streaming video,
including an overview of the exhibition, as well as on-demand video of all
conference proceedings. At bottom, click on the links to view panels from the
exhibition on the significance of the Exodus from an ecumenical perspective in
Judaism, Islam, and Christianity.
Thomas E. Levy, Distinguished Professor,
Conference Host, Qualcomm Institute - UC San Diego.
Keynote Lecture: The Exodus as Cultural Memory: Poetics, Politics, and the Past. By Ronald Hendel. UCSD Exodus Conference, May 31-June 1, 2013. Video. Calit2ube, June 11, 2013. YouTube.
The Exodus and the Bible: What Was Known, What Was Remembered, What Was Forgotten. By William Dever. UCSD Exodus Conference. Video. Calit2ube, June 11, 2013. YouTube.
The Emergence of Iron Age Israel: The Question of “Origins.” By Avraham Faust. UCSD Exodus Conference. Video. Calit2ube, June 7, 2013. YouTube.