Israel Has No Alternative to U.S. Alliance. By Jonathan S. Tobin.
Israel Has No Alternative to U.S. Alliance. By Jonathan S. Tobin. Commentary, November 12, 2013.
Superpower Outage. By Martin Kramer. Commentary, November 13, 2013.
Tobin:
China
and Israel may not have much in common, but that hasn’t stopped the Jewish
state from working hard to better ties with the world’s most populous nation.
The growing connections between the two countries are largely economic, but the
fact that two highly placed figures from Israel’s political and military realms
spoke recently at China’s military academy was enough to gain the notice of the
New York Times’s Sinosphere blog. The
piece, which spoke of the visit to Beijing by Dore Gold, a former ambassador to
the United Nations and a confidant of Prime Minister Netanyahu and retired
general Uzi Dayan, spoke of how the Jewish state is working assiduously to
deepen its relationship with China. Given Israel’s relative diplomatic
isolation, there’s nothing terribly surprising about it reaching out in this
direction. But put into the context of the last two weeks, any discussion of
Israel’s efforts to make friends with a potential rival of the United States
must be seen as part of an effort to lessen its dependence on its sole
superpower ally.
Indeed,
the Times didn’t shy away from such a
discussion in the piece as it weighed, not unfairly, the advantages of better
relations with China for Israel as well as the complications of trying to work
closely with a nation that is also doing business with Iran. At a time when the
United States seems to have distanced itself again from Israel on both the
talks with the Palestinians and the Iranian nuclear threat, the frustration
level in Jerusalem with the Obama administration is very high. This has led not
only to ruminations about whether the U.S.-Israel alliance is doomed, as was
the conceit of a recent feature in Tablet magazine, but to suggestions from
some Israeli pundits, like the Jerusalem Post’s Caroline Glick, that maybe “it is time to reassess Israel’s
strategic assumptions and for the country to begin the process of exploring
“new opportunities” that will enable it to survive without U.S. help if not to
completely replace the old alliance.
But
while the notion of playing China or Russia off of the United States may seem
tempting to Israelis who are sick of being played for chumps by the Obama
administration, any thoughts about “alternatives” to the U.S. alliance are
fantasies, not serious policy options. It’s not just that neither of those
countries should be considered reliable friends of Israel. It’s that any effort
to pretend that there is another option outside of the U.S. alliance is as much
of a danger to the future of this relationship as the ill-considered actions of
President Obama or Secretary of State Kerry.
As for
the fissures in the existing alliance, they are serious but should not be
mistaken for a fundamental split. Israelis are right to be infuriated about
Kerry’s tantrum last week because of his anger about the failure of the peace
negotiations he foolishly initiated as well as the U.S. attempt to rush to
complete an unsatisfactory nuclear agreement with Iran. Like the spats with
Israel that President Obama fomented during the course of his first term, these
disputes illustrate the distorted mindset of this administration as well as its
willingness to create daylight between the positions of the two allies. But, as
both Obama and Kerry understand, there are clear limits as to how far they can
go in taking shots at Israel.
Even a
reelected Obama who seemingly has little to fear from disgruntled supporters of
Israel realizes that picking fights with the Jewish state is a no-win
proposition for him. As he showed during the last two years with his
election-year charm offensive and the rhetorical lengths to which he went
during his trip to Israel last spring, the president is aware of the fact that
the roots of the alliance are deep and it can’t be uprooted easily.
The
long-term problems that the Tablet piece noted are not to be dismissed. There’s
no question that the trends explored by the Pew Report about the decline of the
Jewish community and the impact of an increasingly assimilated American Jewry
will mean a smaller base of pro-Israel Jews. But that and the growth of
anti-Israel opinion, while troubling, should not be mistaken for a fundamental
threat to the future of ties between the two countries. Support for Zionism is
baked into the political DNA of America and won’t be erased by either Jewish
demographics or left-wing activism. The point about the Walt-Mearsheimer
“Israel Lobby” myth is that the wall-to-wall bipartisan coalition in support of
Israel in Congress and throughout the American political system is wide and so
deep as to encompass the vast majority of Americans. As Israeli leaders should
have realized a long time ago, the core of that support is not Jewish activism
or money but the deeply-held sentiments of American Christians.
Leaders
like Obama, who are not in love with Israel, can shake it up. But even he is
incapable of altering its foundations, as the growth of U.S.-Israel security
cooperation on his watch has proved. It’s hard right now to see past the
seeming betrayal on Iran, but pessimists should remember that the intransigent
Islamist regime—like the Palestinians—may ultimately push the administration
back into Israel’s arms.
But
even if one were inclined to despair about the future of U.S. support, neither
China nor Russia provides anything like an alternative. Both can be useful at
times to Israel and Jerusalem is right to explore how far it might go in those
directions, especially when it comes to economic ties at a time when Europe
seems to be abandoning the Jewish state. Yet it must be understood not only are
these countries not likely to be good or reliable friends of Israel, but
flirting too much with them also carries with it the possibility of worsening
the far more essential ties with the United States.
There
is still only one superpower in the world and neither China nor Russia looks to
be catching up with the U.S. in the near future. But if the history of the rest
of this century will be read through the prism of China’s drive to attain the
status of a global power and Russia’s efforts to reconstitute the old Tsarist
and Soviet empires, then there is no question that a small democracy like
Israel must place itself firmly on the side of the U.S. in these rivalries. The
ties between the U.S. and Israel are based on shared values, not realpolitik.
Forgetting that would be an unforgivable error on the part of any Israeli
leader and that is a mistake that a savvy operator like Prime Minister
Netanyahu is not likely to make.
That’s
not just because both are tyrannies that cannot be trusted to deal fairly with
Israel, let alone try to protect it against its foes. But also because Israel’s
long-term safety must be seen as linked to the ability of the United States to
maintain its status as the leader of the free world. Even at times of great
tension with Washington, Israelis must never forget that it is not just that
they have no viable alternatives to the U.S. but that American power remains
the best hope of freedom for all nations.
Those
advocating alternatives to the U.S. for Israel are engaging in magical thinking
that will do more harm than good. The fix for the gaps that have been created
by the administration’s ill-advised moves on the peace process and Iran is to
be found in efforts to restrain the president’s folly in the U.S., not searches
for new allies to take America’s place.