Wednesday, February 6, 2013
Obama’s Gutsy Gun Control Push. By Joan Walsh.
Obama’s gutsy gun control push. By Joan Walsh. Salon, February 5, 2013
Letter from Cairo: Back Street’s Back. By Elijah Zarwan.
Letter from Cario: Back Street’s Back. By Elijah Zarwan. Foreign Affairs, February 4, 2013.
Zarwan:
In Cairo last week, on a crowded public bus near Tahrir Square, passengers were trapped, pressed tightly together and choking on tear gas, as the vehicle struggled to maneuver around a standoff between hapless police conscripts and a crowd of young men making a stand along the bank of the Nile. The commuters were furious. “Who are these people?” some spat as the bus inched past stunted teenagers throwing rocks and making obscene gestures.
That question has been asked again and again over the last two years as nearly identical scenes have played out with numbing regularity. Most Cairenes, President Mohamed Morsi, his cohorts in the Muslim Brotherhood, and the generals who ruled the country before them have agreed on a quick verdict: that “these people” are hired thugs, pawns either of shadowy remnants of the old regime or of unnamed foreign governments. As Morsi charged last week, they are “the counterrevolution incarnate.”
Some among the rock-wielding crowd might indeed be paid agents. Sometimes groups of them arrive in the city center in the back of mini pickup trucks. Some young protestors appear to take direction from older men with mustaches and bad leather jackets. Sometimes their faces bear knife scars, broken noses, and other telltale signs of lives spent in Cairo’s underworld. Often their eyes are glazed, and their speech is erratic from the use of cheap pills. That – and the fact that the Mubarak regime cultivated an auxiliary militia of drug addicts and criminals in poor neighborhoods for use when it was more convenient for civilian forces to carry out oppression – suggests that some of the chaos might, in fact, be organized.
But it would be a mistake to dismiss the protesters as paid thugs, or to blame the unrest on revolutionary anniversary pangs, Muslim Brotherhood misrule, or a court's verdict – although those are all elements of it. True, it is difficult to systematically track the demographics of a stampede, but what most of those rushing to escape birdshot and tear gas canisters have in common is that they are male, urban, young, and unemployed; they have very little to lose, and even less confidence in a political class that does not represent them. For them, the mantra of the uprising that began two Januarys ago – “Bread, freedom, social justice” – remains an urgent and unanswered demand.
If anyone doubted that Egypt’s unrest would continue until the urban poor saw a concrete improvement in their daily lives, the events of the last few weeks should have convinced them otherwise. For the majority of the Egyptian population that grew up poor and has known no president other than Mubarak, life has been hard and has only gotten harder. The narrow streets of the urban slums admit little air. Decent work, already scarce, has become scarcer. Prices have continued to rise. Prospects for a dignified life – a steady job, marriage, and escape from the family home – have grown steadily more remote.
Before the 2011 revolution, some of the poor had turned to the streets, to pills, to hashish, to brawling, to fun. With the army hesitant to appear involved and the opposition in disarray, that street culture is now likely the biggest check on the Islamist project. The dispirited urban population is perhaps more heavily armed now than at any time in modern history. Families – “honorable people,” as onlookers describe them – still join protests by day, but they melt away by night, and a leaner, angrier group takes their place.
The violent protests are still sporadic, yet to merge into a coherent movement. In the meantime, though, the young, urban poor are already changing the streets. Since 2011, that population has rushed to fill whatever space the state’s contraction and the police's retreat have left open. Soon after Mubarak's departure, minibus stations popped up on snarled street corners where police once stood. Stoned and rowdy street venders have gradually taken over Cairo's Talaat Harb Street (formerly Suleiman Pasha Street), an avenue that Egyptians of a certain age remember as the most elegant in the Middle East, as more beautiful than Paris. Unemployed young men have repeatedly blocked major traffic arteries in the capital and have destroyed the lobby of a five-star hotel. City streets and alleyways are rougher and more lawless, as more people compete for fewer resources. Tempers fray and manners are forgotten. The level of street crime, which was always miraculously low for a city of more than 20 million, has risen.
For years before the 2011 uprising, many anticipated a “revolution of the hungry.” Some of Egypt's poor took Mubarak's fall to be that very revolution, expecting Mubarak's fabled billions to return to the country and fund apartments for everyone. At the time, a rich Cairene, a woman accustomed to speaking sharply to those she considered beneath her, was shocked when a worker she had hired refused to obey her instructions. “You must understand that you had your time,” he told her. “This is ours.”
But when Mubarak’s imagined billions did not return, and when his ouster did not immediately usher in a new age of prosperity and freedom, disillusionment set in. The middle class might be able to give electoral politics and stability a chance to work their magic; the unemployed youth probably cannot. For them, the flux of the current revolutionary moment represents their last chance to salvage a better future for themselves and the country. The long-anticipated and feared revolution of the hungry may have already begun, albeit in slow motion.
Egyptians have shown a talent for retreating from the brink at the last minute. Despite regular bouts of unrest and civil strife, the country has struggled onward. But given the dire economic outlook, the toxic political atmosphere, and the increasing impatience and desperation on the street, it might not always. Those who gave their lives in the uprising did not do so for Egypt to enter a limping race to the bottom. Those who continue to fill the streets will not rest until that course is reversed, or until the government can restore at least some hope that their demands for bread, freedom, and social justice will be met.
Zarwan:
In Cairo last week, on a crowded public bus near Tahrir Square, passengers were trapped, pressed tightly together and choking on tear gas, as the vehicle struggled to maneuver around a standoff between hapless police conscripts and a crowd of young men making a stand along the bank of the Nile. The commuters were furious. “Who are these people?” some spat as the bus inched past stunted teenagers throwing rocks and making obscene gestures.
That question has been asked again and again over the last two years as nearly identical scenes have played out with numbing regularity. Most Cairenes, President Mohamed Morsi, his cohorts in the Muslim Brotherhood, and the generals who ruled the country before them have agreed on a quick verdict: that “these people” are hired thugs, pawns either of shadowy remnants of the old regime or of unnamed foreign governments. As Morsi charged last week, they are “the counterrevolution incarnate.”
Some among the rock-wielding crowd might indeed be paid agents. Sometimes groups of them arrive in the city center in the back of mini pickup trucks. Some young protestors appear to take direction from older men with mustaches and bad leather jackets. Sometimes their faces bear knife scars, broken noses, and other telltale signs of lives spent in Cairo’s underworld. Often their eyes are glazed, and their speech is erratic from the use of cheap pills. That – and the fact that the Mubarak regime cultivated an auxiliary militia of drug addicts and criminals in poor neighborhoods for use when it was more convenient for civilian forces to carry out oppression – suggests that some of the chaos might, in fact, be organized.
But it would be a mistake to dismiss the protesters as paid thugs, or to blame the unrest on revolutionary anniversary pangs, Muslim Brotherhood misrule, or a court's verdict – although those are all elements of it. True, it is difficult to systematically track the demographics of a stampede, but what most of those rushing to escape birdshot and tear gas canisters have in common is that they are male, urban, young, and unemployed; they have very little to lose, and even less confidence in a political class that does not represent them. For them, the mantra of the uprising that began two Januarys ago – “Bread, freedom, social justice” – remains an urgent and unanswered demand.
If anyone doubted that Egypt’s unrest would continue until the urban poor saw a concrete improvement in their daily lives, the events of the last few weeks should have convinced them otherwise. For the majority of the Egyptian population that grew up poor and has known no president other than Mubarak, life has been hard and has only gotten harder. The narrow streets of the urban slums admit little air. Decent work, already scarce, has become scarcer. Prices have continued to rise. Prospects for a dignified life – a steady job, marriage, and escape from the family home – have grown steadily more remote.
Before the 2011 revolution, some of the poor had turned to the streets, to pills, to hashish, to brawling, to fun. With the army hesitant to appear involved and the opposition in disarray, that street culture is now likely the biggest check on the Islamist project. The dispirited urban population is perhaps more heavily armed now than at any time in modern history. Families – “honorable people,” as onlookers describe them – still join protests by day, but they melt away by night, and a leaner, angrier group takes their place.
The violent protests are still sporadic, yet to merge into a coherent movement. In the meantime, though, the young, urban poor are already changing the streets. Since 2011, that population has rushed to fill whatever space the state’s contraction and the police's retreat have left open. Soon after Mubarak's departure, minibus stations popped up on snarled street corners where police once stood. Stoned and rowdy street venders have gradually taken over Cairo's Talaat Harb Street (formerly Suleiman Pasha Street), an avenue that Egyptians of a certain age remember as the most elegant in the Middle East, as more beautiful than Paris. Unemployed young men have repeatedly blocked major traffic arteries in the capital and have destroyed the lobby of a five-star hotel. City streets and alleyways are rougher and more lawless, as more people compete for fewer resources. Tempers fray and manners are forgotten. The level of street crime, which was always miraculously low for a city of more than 20 million, has risen.
For years before the 2011 uprising, many anticipated a “revolution of the hungry.” Some of Egypt's poor took Mubarak's fall to be that very revolution, expecting Mubarak's fabled billions to return to the country and fund apartments for everyone. At the time, a rich Cairene, a woman accustomed to speaking sharply to those she considered beneath her, was shocked when a worker she had hired refused to obey her instructions. “You must understand that you had your time,” he told her. “This is ours.”
But when Mubarak’s imagined billions did not return, and when his ouster did not immediately usher in a new age of prosperity and freedom, disillusionment set in. The middle class might be able to give electoral politics and stability a chance to work their magic; the unemployed youth probably cannot. For them, the flux of the current revolutionary moment represents their last chance to salvage a better future for themselves and the country. The long-anticipated and feared revolution of the hungry may have already begun, albeit in slow motion.
Egyptians have shown a talent for retreating from the brink at the last minute. Despite regular bouts of unrest and civil strife, the country has struggled onward. But given the dire economic outlook, the toxic political atmosphere, and the increasing impatience and desperation on the street, it might not always. Those who gave their lives in the uprising did not do so for Egypt to enter a limping race to the bottom. Those who continue to fill the streets will not rest until that course is reversed, or until the government can restore at least some hope that their demands for bread, freedom, and social justice will be met.
Decoding Neanderthals Documentary.
Decoding Neanderthals. Video. NOVA. PBS, January 9, 2013. Also on YouTube.
Decoding and Rethinking Neanderthals. By Roberta Jestes. DNAeXplained, January 10, 2013. Also find it here.
Decoding and Rethinking Neanderthals. By Roberta Jestes. DNAeXplained, January 10, 2013. Also find it here.
Tuesday, February 5, 2013
Bones of King Richard III Discovered Under a Parking Lot.
Bones Under Parking Lot Belonged to Richard III. By John F. Burns. New York Times, February 4, 2013.
Richard III’s Face Reconstructed From English King’s Skull (VIDEO). By Travis Korte. The Huffington Post, February 5, 2013. Also find video here.
Richard III’s Bones: Should One of History’s Losers Be Redeemed? By Ishaan Tharoor. Time, Feb 4, 2013.
The Real Richard III. By Amanda Fiegl. National Geographic News, February 5, 2013.
It’s him: Richard III rises from grave. By Nick Britten and Andrew Hough. The Telegraph, February 5, 2013.
We Told You So: Richard III Society Celebrates Their Hero’s Rediscovery. By Dan Jones. The Daily Beast, February 5, 2013.
The Humiliation of Richard III. By Amy Davidson. The New Yorker, February 4, 2013.
The Lovely Bones: Why Richard III’s Body Should Be on Display. By Christopher Bonaros. New York Magazine, February 5, 2013.
What Richard III Can Teach Us Today. By John Watkins. Foreign Policy, February 6, 2013.
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| A facial reconstruction of King Richard III. Dan Kirtwood/Getty Images. |
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The skeleton found last fall near the buried ruins of the Greyfriars Priory in Leicester was confirmed on Monday by a team of experts to be that of King Richard III
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| King Richard III, by unknown artist, late 16th century. National Portrait Gallery, London. |
Neanderthals Went Extinct Much Earlier Than Previously Thought A New Study Suggests.
Neanderthals Went Extinct Much Earlier Than Previously Thought Fossil Study Suggests. By Frank Jordans. AP. The Huffington Post, February 4, 2013.
Last Neanderthals of Southern Iberia May Not Have Coexisted With Modern Humans, New Data Suggest. Science Daily, February 4, 2013. Also find it here.
Radiocarbon dating casts doubt on the late chronology of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transition in southern Iberia. By Rachel E. Wood et al. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. Published online before print, February 4, 2013. Abstract. [check for full text pdf in 6 months]
European Neanderthals Were On the Verge of Extinction Even Before the Arrival of Modern Humans. By Anneli Waara. Science Daily, February 25, 2012. Also find it here.
European Neanderthals Were on the Verge of Extinction Long Before Humans Showed Up. Science Daily, March 26, 2012. Also find it here.
Partial Genetic Turnover in Neandertals: Continuity in the East and Population Replacement in the West. By Love Dalén et al. Molecular Biology and Evolution, August 2012.
Last Neanderthals of Southern Iberia May Not Have Coexisted With Modern Humans, New Data Suggest. Science Daily, February 4, 2013. Also find it here.
Radiocarbon dating casts doubt on the late chronology of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transition in southern Iberia. By Rachel E. Wood et al. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. Published online before print, February 4, 2013. Abstract. [check for full text pdf in 6 months]
European Neanderthals Were On the Verge of Extinction Even Before the Arrival of Modern Humans. By Anneli Waara. Science Daily, February 25, 2012. Also find it here.
European Neanderthals Were on the Verge of Extinction Long Before Humans Showed Up. Science Daily, March 26, 2012. Also find it here.
Partial Genetic Turnover in Neandertals: Continuity in the East and Population Replacement in the West. By Love Dalén et al. Molecular Biology and Evolution, August 2012.
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| Neanderthal reconstruction |
Neanderthals More Advanced Than Previously Thought.
Neanderthals More Advanced Than Previously Thought: They Innovated, Adapted Like Modern Humans, Research Shows. Science Daily, September 22, 2010. Also find it here.
A Niche Construction Perspective on the Middle-Upper Paleolithic Transition in Italy. By Julien Reil-Salvatore. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, December 2010.
A Niche Construction Perspective on the Middle-Upper Paleolithic Transition in Italy. By Julien Reil-Salvatore. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, December 2010.
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| Reconstruction of a Neanderthal |
When Tyrants and Hatemongers Embrace. By Jonathan S. Tobin.
When Tyrants and Hatemongers Embrace. By Jonathan S. Tobin. Commentary, February 5, 2013.
Tobin:
The Egyptians may stop just short of full recognition of Ahmadinejad’s government in order to keep U.S. taxpayer dollars flowing to Cairo. But the notion that it is in any conceivable sense an ally is out the window. This incident calls into question the decision to keep that aid flowing without condition as well as the continued sale of sophisticated weapons to Egypt that their forces don’t need for self-defense. The closer Egypt draws to Iran, the more it seems as if the peace treaty with Egypt, into which both Israelis and Americans are so heavily, is heading for the scrapheap.
Just as important in many respects is the symbolism of the embrace of two men who have done much to help keep the flames of Jew hatred burning hot recently. Morsi and Ahmadinejad are both on record insulting Jews and Israelis and pledging their destruction as well as for trying to suppress domestic dissent. Far from an innocuous event that shouldn’t worry us, when tyrants embrace, decent people everywhere should tremble.
Tobin:
The Egyptians may stop just short of full recognition of Ahmadinejad’s government in order to keep U.S. taxpayer dollars flowing to Cairo. But the notion that it is in any conceivable sense an ally is out the window. This incident calls into question the decision to keep that aid flowing without condition as well as the continued sale of sophisticated weapons to Egypt that their forces don’t need for self-defense. The closer Egypt draws to Iran, the more it seems as if the peace treaty with Egypt, into which both Israelis and Americans are so heavily, is heading for the scrapheap.
Just as important in many respects is the symbolism of the embrace of two men who have done much to help keep the flames of Jew hatred burning hot recently. Morsi and Ahmadinejad are both on record insulting Jews and Israelis and pledging their destruction as well as for trying to suppress domestic dissent. Far from an innocuous event that shouldn’t worry us, when tyrants embrace, decent people everywhere should tremble.
“Groundhog Day” in Cairo. By Ashraf Khalil.
Groundhog Day in Cairo: A Brutal Video Raises the Political Stakes in Egypt. By Ashraf Khalil. Time, February 2, 2013.
Egypt Conflict Alert. International Crisis Group, February 4, 2013.
Egypt Conflict Alert. International Crisis Group, February 4, 2013.
“The Americans” Premiere: Keri Russell and Matthew Rhys Talk Sex, Spy Games and America vs. Russia. By Laura Prudom.
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| Keri Russell as Elizabeth Jennings (originally Nadezhda) and Matthew Rhys as Philip Jennings in The Americans. |
“The Americans” Premiere: Keri Russell and Matthew Rhys Talk Sex, Spy Games and America vs. Russia. By Laura Prudom. The Huffington Post, January 30, 2013.
“The Americans” premiere review: Are you rooting for these Russians? By Ken Tucker. Entertainment Weekly, January 30, 2013.
“The Americans”: What critics are saying about new FX spy series. By Craig Blankenhorn. CBS News, January 30, 2013.
The Americans: TV Review. By Tim Goodman. The Hollywood Reporter, January 23, 2013.
Spies Like U.S.: “The Americans” and the Americans. By Eliot Borenstein. Jordan Center for the Advanced Study of Russia at New York University, February 1, 2013.
The Americans official website. FX. Full video episodes and extras here.
The Americans on FX. YouTube channel.
Go Undercover: “The Americans” First Look. Video. TheAmericansFX, January 23, 2013. YouTube.
Keri Russell on The Americans, Star Wars VII, J. J. Abrams, and Felicity. Video. ENTV, January 31, 2013. YouTube.
The Americans Three Minute Replay: Week 1. Video. TheAmericansFX, February 4, 2013. YouTube.
Go Undercover: Series Premiere Recap. Video. TheAmericansFX, February 4, 2013. YouTube.
A Second G.O.P. By David Brooks.
A Second G.O.P. By David Brooks. New York Times, January 28, 2013.
Brooks:
On the surface, Republicans are already doing a good job of beginning to change their party. Gov. Bobby Jindal of Louisiana gave a speech to the Republican National Committee calling on Republicans to stop being the stupid party, to stop insulting the intelligence of the American people.
Representative Paul Ryan gave a fine speech to the National Review Institute calling for prudence instead of spasmodic protest. The new senator for Texas, Ted Cruz, gave a speech to the same gathering saying the Republicans should be focusing on the least fortunate 47 percent of Americans.
But, so far, there have been more calls for change than actual evidence of change. In his speech, for example, Jindal spanked his party for its stale clichés but then repeated the same Republican themes that have earned his party its 33 percent approval ratings: Government bad. Entrepreneurs good.
In this reinvention process, Republicans seem to have spent no time talking to people who didn’t already vote for them.
Change is hard because people don’t only think on the surface level. Deep down people have mental maps of reality — embedded sets of assumptions, narratives and terms that organize thinking. Since Barry Goldwater, the central Republican narrative has been what you might call the Encroachment Story: the core problem of American life is that voracious government has been steadily encroaching upon individuals and local communities. The core American conflict, in this view, is between Big Government and Personal Freedom.
While losing the popular vote in five of the last six presidential elections, the flaws of this mentality have become apparent. First, if opposing government is your primary objective, it’s hard to have a positive governing program.
As Bill Kristol pointed out at the National Review event, the G.O.P. fiercely opposed the Dodd-Frank financial regulation law but never offered an alternative. The party opposed Obamacare but never offered a replacement. John Podhoretz of Commentary added that as soon as Republicans start talking about what kind of regulations and programs government should promote, they get accused by colleagues of being Big Government conservatives.
The next problem with this mentality is that it makes it hard for Republicans to analyze social and economic problems that don’t flow directly from big government. For example, we are now at the end of the era in which a rising tide lifts all boats. Republicans like Mitt Romney can talk about improving the overall business climate with lower taxes and lighter regulation, but regular voters sense that that won’t necessarily help them because wages no longer keep pace with productivity gains.
Americans are still skeptical of Washington. If you shove a big government program down their throats they will recoil. But many of their immediate problems flow from globalization, the turmoil of technological change and social decay, and they’re looking for a bit of help. Moreover, given all the antigovernment rhetoric, they will never trust these Republicans to reform cherished programs like Social Security and Medicare. You can’t be for entitlement reform and today’s G.O.P., because politically the two will never go together.
Can current Republicans change their underlying mentality to adapt to these realities? Intellectual history says no. People almost never change their underlying narratives or unconscious frameworks. Moreover, in the South and rural West, where most Republicans are from, the Encroachment Story has deep historic and psychological roots. Anti-Washington, anti-urban sentiment has characterized those cultures for decades.
It’s probably futile to try to change current Republicans. It’s smarter to build a new wing of the Republican Party, one that can compete in the Northeast, the mid-Atlantic states, in the upper Midwest and along the West Coast. It’s smarter to build a new division that is different the way the Westin is different than the Sheraton.
The second G.O.P. wouldn’t be based on the Encroachment Story. It would be based on the idea that America is being hit simultaneously by two crises, which you might call the Mancur Olson crisis and the Charles Murray crisis.
Olson argued that nations decline because their aging institutions get bloated and sclerotic and retard national dynamism. Murray argues that America is coming apart, dividing into two nations — one with high education levels, stable families and good opportunities and the other with low education levels, unstable families and bad opportunities.
The second G.O.P. would tackle both problems at once. It would be filled with people who recoiled at President Obama’s second Inaugural Address because of its excessive faith in centralized power, but who don’t share the absolute antigovernment story of the current G.O.P.
Would a coastal and Midwestern G.O.P. sit easily with the Southern and Western one? No, but majority parties are usually coalitions of the incompatible. This is really the only chance Republicans have. The question is: Who’s going to build a second G.O.P.?
David Brooks Fighting GOP “Freedomism” to the Death. By Matt Welch. Reason, January 29, 2013.
The Simpletons: David Brooks, Thomas L. Friedman, and the banal authoritarianism of do-something punditry. By Matt Welch. Reason, December 2011. Also find it here.
David Brooks on Freedomism vs. Rhinoism. Essay in symposium “What Is the Future of Conservatism in the Wake of the Wake of the 2012 Election.” Commentary January 2013. Full symposium here.
The Republican Glasnost. By David Brooks. New York Times, December 6, 2012.
The Conservative Future. By David Brooks. New York Times, November 19, 2012.
The Party of Work. By David Brooks. New York Times, November 8, 2012.
The Conservative Mind. By David Brooks. New York Times, September 24, 2012.
Party of Strivers. By David Brooks. New York Times, August 30, 2012.
What Republicans Think. By David Brooks. New York Times, June 14, 2012.
Our Age of Anxiety. By Yuval Levin. The Weekly Standard, May 28, 2012. Also find it here.
The Possum Republicans. By David Brooks. New York Times, February 27, 2012.
Brooks:
On the surface, Republicans are already doing a good job of beginning to change their party. Gov. Bobby Jindal of Louisiana gave a speech to the Republican National Committee calling on Republicans to stop being the stupid party, to stop insulting the intelligence of the American people.
Representative Paul Ryan gave a fine speech to the National Review Institute calling for prudence instead of spasmodic protest. The new senator for Texas, Ted Cruz, gave a speech to the same gathering saying the Republicans should be focusing on the least fortunate 47 percent of Americans.
But, so far, there have been more calls for change than actual evidence of change. In his speech, for example, Jindal spanked his party for its stale clichés but then repeated the same Republican themes that have earned his party its 33 percent approval ratings: Government bad. Entrepreneurs good.
In this reinvention process, Republicans seem to have spent no time talking to people who didn’t already vote for them.
Change is hard because people don’t only think on the surface level. Deep down people have mental maps of reality — embedded sets of assumptions, narratives and terms that organize thinking. Since Barry Goldwater, the central Republican narrative has been what you might call the Encroachment Story: the core problem of American life is that voracious government has been steadily encroaching upon individuals and local communities. The core American conflict, in this view, is between Big Government and Personal Freedom.
While losing the popular vote in five of the last six presidential elections, the flaws of this mentality have become apparent. First, if opposing government is your primary objective, it’s hard to have a positive governing program.
As Bill Kristol pointed out at the National Review event, the G.O.P. fiercely opposed the Dodd-Frank financial regulation law but never offered an alternative. The party opposed Obamacare but never offered a replacement. John Podhoretz of Commentary added that as soon as Republicans start talking about what kind of regulations and programs government should promote, they get accused by colleagues of being Big Government conservatives.
The next problem with this mentality is that it makes it hard for Republicans to analyze social and economic problems that don’t flow directly from big government. For example, we are now at the end of the era in which a rising tide lifts all boats. Republicans like Mitt Romney can talk about improving the overall business climate with lower taxes and lighter regulation, but regular voters sense that that won’t necessarily help them because wages no longer keep pace with productivity gains.
Americans are still skeptical of Washington. If you shove a big government program down their throats they will recoil. But many of their immediate problems flow from globalization, the turmoil of technological change and social decay, and they’re looking for a bit of help. Moreover, given all the antigovernment rhetoric, they will never trust these Republicans to reform cherished programs like Social Security and Medicare. You can’t be for entitlement reform and today’s G.O.P., because politically the two will never go together.
Can current Republicans change their underlying mentality to adapt to these realities? Intellectual history says no. People almost never change their underlying narratives or unconscious frameworks. Moreover, in the South and rural West, where most Republicans are from, the Encroachment Story has deep historic and psychological roots. Anti-Washington, anti-urban sentiment has characterized those cultures for decades.
It’s probably futile to try to change current Republicans. It’s smarter to build a new wing of the Republican Party, one that can compete in the Northeast, the mid-Atlantic states, in the upper Midwest and along the West Coast. It’s smarter to build a new division that is different the way the Westin is different than the Sheraton.
The second G.O.P. wouldn’t be based on the Encroachment Story. It would be based on the idea that America is being hit simultaneously by two crises, which you might call the Mancur Olson crisis and the Charles Murray crisis.
Olson argued that nations decline because their aging institutions get bloated and sclerotic and retard national dynamism. Murray argues that America is coming apart, dividing into two nations — one with high education levels, stable families and good opportunities and the other with low education levels, unstable families and bad opportunities.
The second G.O.P. would tackle both problems at once. It would be filled with people who recoiled at President Obama’s second Inaugural Address because of its excessive faith in centralized power, but who don’t share the absolute antigovernment story of the current G.O.P.
Would a coastal and Midwestern G.O.P. sit easily with the Southern and Western one? No, but majority parties are usually coalitions of the incompatible. This is really the only chance Republicans have. The question is: Who’s going to build a second G.O.P.?
David Brooks Fighting GOP “Freedomism” to the Death. By Matt Welch. Reason, January 29, 2013.
The Simpletons: David Brooks, Thomas L. Friedman, and the banal authoritarianism of do-something punditry. By Matt Welch. Reason, December 2011. Also find it here.
David Brooks on Freedomism vs. Rhinoism. Essay in symposium “What Is the Future of Conservatism in the Wake of the Wake of the 2012 Election.” Commentary January 2013. Full symposium here.
The Republican Glasnost. By David Brooks. New York Times, December 6, 2012.
The Conservative Future. By David Brooks. New York Times, November 19, 2012.
The Party of Work. By David Brooks. New York Times, November 8, 2012.
The Conservative Mind. By David Brooks. New York Times, September 24, 2012.
Party of Strivers. By David Brooks. New York Times, August 30, 2012.
What Republicans Think. By David Brooks. New York Times, June 14, 2012.
Our Age of Anxiety. By Yuval Levin. The Weekly Standard, May 28, 2012. Also find it here.
The Possum Republicans. By David Brooks. New York Times, February 27, 2012.
The Great Migration. By David Brooks.
The Great Migration. By David Brooks. New York Times, January 24, 2013.
The Age of Possiblility. By David Brooks. New York Times, November 15, 2012.
The Talent Society. By David Brooks. New York Times, February 20, 2012.
The Age of Possiblility. By David Brooks. New York Times, November 15, 2012.
The Talent Society. By David Brooks. New York Times, February 20, 2012.
Monday, February 4, 2013
Jackson Falls From Progressives’ Favor. By Salena Zito.
Jackson falls from progressives’ favor. By Salena Zito. Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, February 2, 2013.
Sunday, February 3, 2013
Happy Candlemas (or Brighid’s Day). By Adam Garfinkle.
Happy Candlemas (or Brighid’s Day). By Adam Garfinkle. The American Interest, February 1, 2013.
Groundhog Day: A Movie For All Time. By Jonah Goldberg. National Review, February 14, 2005.
Garfinkle:
Well, February 2 is a significant date in the Christian calendar. It’s Candlemas Day, which is also known, with slight variations according to religious tradition, as the Feast of the Presentation of Jesus at the Temple. But the Church calendar appears to be coincidental with or, more likely, an overlay on much, much older Celtic agricultural observances. It has to do with a very ancient, astronomically linked celebration called Imbolc, which later became Brighid’s Day and even later, after Christianization, Saint Brighid’s Day. There is a great deal of lore and legend associated with Imbolc, much of it involving Cailleach, the hag of Gaelic tradition. And yes, that lore and legend very much includes weather prognostication and careful observation of the emergence from hibernation of badgers and snakes. Imbolc is about halfway between the winter solstice and the spring equinox, and markings on ancient megaliths testify to its origins in astronomical observation. It was a time thought to be a harbinger of spring on account of the onset of ewe’s lactating in expectation of spring lambs, and the blossom-setting of certain plants, principally the blackthorn (itself associated with much lore).
Groundhog Day: A Movie For All Time. By Jonah Goldberg. National Review, February 14, 2005.
Garfinkle:
Well, February 2 is a significant date in the Christian calendar. It’s Candlemas Day, which is also known, with slight variations according to religious tradition, as the Feast of the Presentation of Jesus at the Temple. But the Church calendar appears to be coincidental with or, more likely, an overlay on much, much older Celtic agricultural observances. It has to do with a very ancient, astronomically linked celebration called Imbolc, which later became Brighid’s Day and even later, after Christianization, Saint Brighid’s Day. There is a great deal of lore and legend associated with Imbolc, much of it involving Cailleach, the hag of Gaelic tradition. And yes, that lore and legend very much includes weather prognostication and careful observation of the emergence from hibernation of badgers and snakes. Imbolc is about halfway between the winter solstice and the spring equinox, and markings on ancient megaliths testify to its origins in astronomical observation. It was a time thought to be a harbinger of spring on account of the onset of ewe’s lactating in expectation of spring lambs, and the blossom-setting of certain plants, principally the blackthorn (itself associated with much lore).
In Hard Economy for All Ages, Older Isn’t Better . . . It’s Brutal. By Catherine Rampell.
In Hard Economy for All Ages, Older Isn’t Better . . . It’s Brutal. By Catherine Rampell. New York Times, February 2, 2013.
Deadly Deserts. By Ralph Peters.
Deadly Deserts. By Ralph Peters. New York Post, February 2, 2013.
Peters:
Violence in Allah’s name in northern Africa won’t end in my lifetime — and probably not in yours. The core question is: To what extent can the savagery be contained?
From the Atlantic coastline to the Suez Canal, struggling governments, impoverished populations and frankly backward societies struggle to find paths to modernization and to compete in a ruthless global economy. Religious fanatics for whom progress is a betrayal of faith hope to block development.
Still, if the only conflict was between Islamist terrorists and those who want civilized lives, the situation could be managed over time. But that struggle forms only one level in a layer cake of clashing visions and outright civil wars bedeviling a vast region. Much larger than Europe, the zone of contention encompasses the Maghreb, the countries touching the Mediterranean, and the Sahel, the bitterly poor states stretching down across desert wastes to the African savannah.
The Sahel is the front line not only between the world of Islam and Christian-animist cultures in Africa’s heart, but between Arabs and light-skinned tribes in the north, and blacks to the south. No area in the world so explicitly illustrates the late, great Samuel Huntington’s concept of “the clash of civilizations.”
If racial and religious differences were not challenge enough, in the Maghreb the factions and interest groups are still more complicated. We view Egypt as locked in a contest between Islamists and “our guys,” Egyptians seeking new freedoms. But Egypt’s identity struggle is far more complex, involving social liberals, moderate Muslims, stern conservative Muslims (such as the Muslim Brotherhood) and outright fanatics. The military forms another constituency, while the business community defends its selfish interests. Then there are the supporters of the old Mubarak regime, the masses of educated-but-unemployed youth and the bitterly poor peasants.
Atop all that there’s the question of whether the values cherished by Arab societies can adapt to a globalized world.
The path to Egypt’s future will not be smooth — yet Egypt’s chances are better than those of many of its neighbors.
. . . . . . . . . .
Two years after the revolution, angry masses crowd the streets again, this time to protest against the latest man-who-would-be-pharaoh, democratically elected President Mohammed Morsi. Morsi rushed to pack as many senior government positions as possible with fellow members of the Muslim Brotherhood without worrying about competence. Now he heads an inept government and resorts to heavy-handed means to quell unrest.
The Muslim Brotherhood made a strategic error in grasping power too quickly, instead of aping the creeping Islamization underway in Turkey. While the Brotherhood had the Chicago-style organization to turn out the illiterate masses, it utterly lacked the wherewithal to halt the economy’s downward spiral. And, in the end, “It’s the economy, stupid.” Even fundamentalists have to eat.
By overplaying their hand so eagerly, the Muslim Brothers have lost credibility. Will they be able to hang onto the power they’ve sought for almost a century? They won’t give it up easily, but Morsi has gone from confidence to fear in record time. The action (or inaction) of the military may be the crucial factor in determining Egypt’s future — which remains very much in question.
. . . . . . . . . .
The bottom line? Unified international action, as in Mali (or Somalia), can push back Islamist terrorists. But the fractured nature of local societies, low levels of development, corruption and, not least, traditional hatreds guarantee unrest for decades to come. We’ll be engaged, whether we like it or not. Instead of defaulting to idiotic slogans like “Lead from behind!” we need to think ahead.
Peters:
Violence in Allah’s name in northern Africa won’t end in my lifetime — and probably not in yours. The core question is: To what extent can the savagery be contained?
From the Atlantic coastline to the Suez Canal, struggling governments, impoverished populations and frankly backward societies struggle to find paths to modernization and to compete in a ruthless global economy. Religious fanatics for whom progress is a betrayal of faith hope to block development.
Still, if the only conflict was between Islamist terrorists and those who want civilized lives, the situation could be managed over time. But that struggle forms only one level in a layer cake of clashing visions and outright civil wars bedeviling a vast region. Much larger than Europe, the zone of contention encompasses the Maghreb, the countries touching the Mediterranean, and the Sahel, the bitterly poor states stretching down across desert wastes to the African savannah.
The Sahel is the front line not only between the world of Islam and Christian-animist cultures in Africa’s heart, but between Arabs and light-skinned tribes in the north, and blacks to the south. No area in the world so explicitly illustrates the late, great Samuel Huntington’s concept of “the clash of civilizations.”
If racial and religious differences were not challenge enough, in the Maghreb the factions and interest groups are still more complicated. We view Egypt as locked in a contest between Islamists and “our guys,” Egyptians seeking new freedoms. But Egypt’s identity struggle is far more complex, involving social liberals, moderate Muslims, stern conservative Muslims (such as the Muslim Brotherhood) and outright fanatics. The military forms another constituency, while the business community defends its selfish interests. Then there are the supporters of the old Mubarak regime, the masses of educated-but-unemployed youth and the bitterly poor peasants.
Atop all that there’s the question of whether the values cherished by Arab societies can adapt to a globalized world.
The path to Egypt’s future will not be smooth — yet Egypt’s chances are better than those of many of its neighbors.
. . . . . . . . . .
Two years after the revolution, angry masses crowd the streets again, this time to protest against the latest man-who-would-be-pharaoh, democratically elected President Mohammed Morsi. Morsi rushed to pack as many senior government positions as possible with fellow members of the Muslim Brotherhood without worrying about competence. Now he heads an inept government and resorts to heavy-handed means to quell unrest.
The Muslim Brotherhood made a strategic error in grasping power too quickly, instead of aping the creeping Islamization underway in Turkey. While the Brotherhood had the Chicago-style organization to turn out the illiterate masses, it utterly lacked the wherewithal to halt the economy’s downward spiral. And, in the end, “It’s the economy, stupid.” Even fundamentalists have to eat.
By overplaying their hand so eagerly, the Muslim Brothers have lost credibility. Will they be able to hang onto the power they’ve sought for almost a century? They won’t give it up easily, but Morsi has gone from confidence to fear in record time. The action (or inaction) of the military may be the crucial factor in determining Egypt’s future — which remains very much in question.
. . . . . . . . . .
The bottom line? Unified international action, as in Mali (or Somalia), can push back Islamist terrorists. But the fractured nature of local societies, low levels of development, corruption and, not least, traditional hatreds guarantee unrest for decades to come. We’ll be engaged, whether we like it or not. Instead of defaulting to idiotic slogans like “Lead from behind!” we need to think ahead.
The Real ‘60 Minutes’ Revelation. By Michael Tomasky.
The Real ‘60 Minutes’ Revelation. By Michael Tomasky. The Daily Beast, January 29, 2013.
Tomasky:
I can actually see, to some extent, the point of conservatives’ complaints about the Obama-Hillary 60 Minutes interview. It was softbally, and Steve Kroft’s one real question—to Clinton, about whether she felt any guilt or remorse over Benghazi—she totally didn’t answer. But here, conservatives, is what you are missing and what you need to reckon with. Americans—except you—like these two people. Most Americans look at the pair of them—this black man who is still remote in some ways and this so-familiar woman who is now aging before us and allowing herself to look just a little frumpy—and feel reassured. Most Americans are cheering for them, and hence, most Americans probably wanted a softball interview. We have thus passed an important portal in American politics: Democrats are now the regular guys. Conservatives are the weirdos.
. . . . . . . . . .
Obama and Clinton talked, in other words, like mature adults, and they sold it as genuine because it was genuine. And I’d contend that it made most people watching feel something like: Well, these are very smart and self-assured people, and they’re mostly pretty likable, too, and agree or disagree with this or that decision they make or action they take, I feel like my country is in pretty good hands with them. And yes, to invoke the hackneyed litmus-test question—I’d drink a beer, or a pinot, or in HRC’s case a shot of Crown Royal, with them. To everyone but right-wingers, that was the vibe Sunday night—a victory lap, and a victory lap that no one begrudged them.
They’re the real Americans now. It’s not that they have changed, but that America has. The measures for real Americanism are no longer clearing brush, hunting elk, hopping on top of various animals, dropping one’s g’s (in speech, I mean), and speaking in intentionally ungrammatical apothegmatic frontier “wisdom.” The new measures? Not completely sure yet. But we do have now the collective realization that those were fake measures—some Harvey Mansfield–inspired Potemkin Village of “real America.” Also, the collective realization that it’s probably on balance not at all a bad idea for the president not to be “just like us,” which was the folk wisdom of a decade ago, but in fact a little smarter than most of us.
The Republicans? It’s not just the extreme ideology. Of course it’s that, but it’s more. The whole shtick is old. Where once the Middle American ear may have been soothed by that low Cheney rumble belching out its grave assessments of the world situation, today it is accosted by all those caliginous Southern accents warning of socialism and collapse, and thinks: will these people ever shut up? Georgia Congressman Paul Broun told The Atlanta Journal-Constitution last week that Obama “upholds … the Soviet Constitution.” On any given week, I could fill a whole column, or two, with such nuggets. Enough already.
While Obama and Clinton were speaking, so was Paul Ryan, to a conservative gathering, where he said: “There are two ways to respond to defeat: Either you can deny it, or you can learn from it. I choose to learn from it. The way I see it, our defeat is all the more reason to lay out our vision with even more specifics—and with a broader appeal.”
What he’s saying there, and throughout the speech, is that the GOP isn’t going to change its stripes a bit. “Broader appeal” means I suppose better (read: more dishonest) packaging for a bunch of reactionary policies that Americans don’t want.
Conservatives, you can call me and others like me all the names you want, and you can whine about the evil CBS all you want. But Kroft and his network were actually in touch here with the pulse of the country, which wants Obama to succeed and Hillary to go have a nice long rest (and, maybe, get ready for 2016). Meanwhile, even Roger Ailes has gotten sick of Sarah Palin. Get the picture?
Obama and Clinton: The 60 Minutes Interview. 60 Minutes. CBS News, January 29, 2013. Also find video here, here, and here.
Tomasky:
I can actually see, to some extent, the point of conservatives’ complaints about the Obama-Hillary 60 Minutes interview. It was softbally, and Steve Kroft’s one real question—to Clinton, about whether she felt any guilt or remorse over Benghazi—she totally didn’t answer. But here, conservatives, is what you are missing and what you need to reckon with. Americans—except you—like these two people. Most Americans look at the pair of them—this black man who is still remote in some ways and this so-familiar woman who is now aging before us and allowing herself to look just a little frumpy—and feel reassured. Most Americans are cheering for them, and hence, most Americans probably wanted a softball interview. We have thus passed an important portal in American politics: Democrats are now the regular guys. Conservatives are the weirdos.
. . . . . . . . . .
Obama and Clinton talked, in other words, like mature adults, and they sold it as genuine because it was genuine. And I’d contend that it made most people watching feel something like: Well, these are very smart and self-assured people, and they’re mostly pretty likable, too, and agree or disagree with this or that decision they make or action they take, I feel like my country is in pretty good hands with them. And yes, to invoke the hackneyed litmus-test question—I’d drink a beer, or a pinot, or in HRC’s case a shot of Crown Royal, with them. To everyone but right-wingers, that was the vibe Sunday night—a victory lap, and a victory lap that no one begrudged them.
They’re the real Americans now. It’s not that they have changed, but that America has. The measures for real Americanism are no longer clearing brush, hunting elk, hopping on top of various animals, dropping one’s g’s (in speech, I mean), and speaking in intentionally ungrammatical apothegmatic frontier “wisdom.” The new measures? Not completely sure yet. But we do have now the collective realization that those were fake measures—some Harvey Mansfield–inspired Potemkin Village of “real America.” Also, the collective realization that it’s probably on balance not at all a bad idea for the president not to be “just like us,” which was the folk wisdom of a decade ago, but in fact a little smarter than most of us.
The Republicans? It’s not just the extreme ideology. Of course it’s that, but it’s more. The whole shtick is old. Where once the Middle American ear may have been soothed by that low Cheney rumble belching out its grave assessments of the world situation, today it is accosted by all those caliginous Southern accents warning of socialism and collapse, and thinks: will these people ever shut up? Georgia Congressman Paul Broun told The Atlanta Journal-Constitution last week that Obama “upholds … the Soviet Constitution.” On any given week, I could fill a whole column, or two, with such nuggets. Enough already.
While Obama and Clinton were speaking, so was Paul Ryan, to a conservative gathering, where he said: “There are two ways to respond to defeat: Either you can deny it, or you can learn from it. I choose to learn from it. The way I see it, our defeat is all the more reason to lay out our vision with even more specifics—and with a broader appeal.”
What he’s saying there, and throughout the speech, is that the GOP isn’t going to change its stripes a bit. “Broader appeal” means I suppose better (read: more dishonest) packaging for a bunch of reactionary policies that Americans don’t want.
Conservatives, you can call me and others like me all the names you want, and you can whine about the evil CBS all you want. But Kroft and his network were actually in touch here with the pulse of the country, which wants Obama to succeed and Hillary to go have a nice long rest (and, maybe, get ready for 2016). Meanwhile, even Roger Ailes has gotten sick of Sarah Palin. Get the picture?
Obama and Clinton: The 60 Minutes Interview. 60 Minutes. CBS News, January 29, 2013. Also find video here, here, and here.
Mark Kelly and Wayne LaPierre Defend Both Sides of the Gun Control Debate.
Mark Kelly and Wayne LaPierre Defend Both Sides of the Gun Control Debate. Video. Fox News Sunday, February 3, 2013. Also find it here and here. Transcript here.
Saturday, February 2, 2013
Bill Maher: Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck Are Unprincipled Con Men.
Bill Maher: Con Men Like Beck and Limbaugh Only Care About Separating Rubes From Their Money. By Jason Easley. PoliticusUSA, February 2, 2013.
Bill Maher Explains Why Sarah Palin Leaving Fox News is Actually Bad News for the Left. The Huffington Post, February 2, 2013.
Maher: Conservative “Con Men” Beck & Limbaugh Are “Separating Rubes From Their Money.” Real Clear Politics, February 2, 2013.
Bill Maher: New Rules, Episode 270, February 1, 2013. Video. Real Time with Bill Maher. DailyMotion. Also find it here.
Episode 270 by BillMaher1956
Bill Maher Explains Why Sarah Palin Leaving Fox News is Actually Bad News for the Left. The Huffington Post, February 2, 2013.
Maher: Conservative “Con Men” Beck & Limbaugh Are “Separating Rubes From Their Money.” Real Clear Politics, February 2, 2013.
Bill Maher: New Rules, Episode 270, February 1, 2013. Video. Real Time with Bill Maher. DailyMotion. Also find it here.
Episode 270 by BillMaher1956
America’s Religious Divide. By Walter Russell Mead.
America’s Religious Divide. By Walter Russell Mead. Via Meadia, February 2, 2013.
Mead:
These days, the deep fissures in America don’t so much run between Catholics and Protestants as within each community. Conservative evangelical Southern Baptists feel they have more in common with conservative Catholics than they do with liberal Protestants — and many conservative Catholics feel the same way.
What draws conservative Protestants and Catholics together is a concern that liberals and secularists would like to drive religion out of the public square; as AI blogger Peter Berger puts it, to make religion something that consenting adults do together in private. Former religious enemies are drawing closely together at least partly out of fear of what they see as a common foe. The great divide in American religion today is no longer between Protestant and Catholic or even between Christian and Jew; it is between the liberal and the conservative versions of these great historic faiths.
Mead:
These days, the deep fissures in America don’t so much run between Catholics and Protestants as within each community. Conservative evangelical Southern Baptists feel they have more in common with conservative Catholics than they do with liberal Protestants — and many conservative Catholics feel the same way.
What draws conservative Protestants and Catholics together is a concern that liberals and secularists would like to drive religion out of the public square; as AI blogger Peter Berger puts it, to make religion something that consenting adults do together in private. Former religious enemies are drawing closely together at least partly out of fear of what they see as a common foe. The great divide in American religion today is no longer between Protestant and Catholic or even between Christian and Jew; it is between the liberal and the conservative versions of these great historic faiths.
Sen. Rand Paul on Failure to Ban Transfer of F-16s From US to Egypt.
Sen. Rand Paul on Failure to Ban Transfer of F-16s From US to Egypt. Real Clear Politics, February 1, 2013. Also find it here.
Dick Morris: Andrew Jackson Creates a Democracy.
Andrew Jackson Creates a Democracy. Video. By Dick Morris. DickMorris.com, February 2, 2013. Also find it here.
Aliaa Magda Elmahdy and Femen Protest Against Morsi in Stockholm.
Nude Egyptian Protests Morsi. The Red Eye Portal, December 20, 2012.
Free to Act. By Aliaa Magda Elmahdy. A Rebel’s Diary, December 16, 2012.
Protest Against Constitution in Front of Egyptian Embassy in Stockholm. By Aliaa Magda Elmahdy. A Rebel’s Diary, December 21, 2012.
Apocalypse of Muhammad. Femen.org, December 20, 2012.
Aliaa Magda Elmahdy, Egypt Activist, Poses Naked, Sparks Outrage. By Maggie Michael. AP. The Huffington Post, November 17, 2011.
Nude Blogger Riles Egyptians of All Stripes. By Liam Stack and David D. Kirkpatrick. New York Times, November 17, 2011.
Egyptian Blogger Aliaa Elmahdy: Why I Posed Naked. By Mohamed Fadel Fahmy. CNN, November 19, 2011.
Egyptian nudist in new secularism stunt. Gulf News, December 20, 2012.
Egypt activist who protested nude says she wants to make change, differently. By Mustapha Ajbaili. Al Arabiya, December 21, 2012.
Aliaa Magda Elmahdy, Egypt’s Naked Blogger, Joins Femen Protest against Mursi Constitution. By Gianlucca Mezzofiore. International Business Times, December 20, 2012.
Naked Blogger Aliaa Magda Elmahdy Was Kidnapped in Egypt in 2011, Claims Femen. By Gianluca Mezzofiore. International Business Times, December 21, 2012.
Aliaa Elmahdy and Femen Protesting Against Egyptian Constitution by Morsi. Video. YouTube, December 20, 2012. Also find it here.
Free to Act. By Aliaa Magda Elmahdy. A Rebel’s Diary, December 16, 2012.
Protest Against Constitution in Front of Egyptian Embassy in Stockholm. By Aliaa Magda Elmahdy. A Rebel’s Diary, December 21, 2012.
Apocalypse of Muhammad. Femen.org, December 20, 2012.
 |
| Aliaa Magda Elmahdy (center) with Inna Shevchenko (right) in Femen protest outside the Egyptian embassy in Stockholm, Sweden. |
Aliaa Magda Elmahdy, Egypt Activist, Poses Naked, Sparks Outrage. By Maggie Michael. AP. The Huffington Post, November 17, 2011.
Nude Blogger Riles Egyptians of All Stripes. By Liam Stack and David D. Kirkpatrick. New York Times, November 17, 2011.
Egyptian Blogger Aliaa Elmahdy: Why I Posed Naked. By Mohamed Fadel Fahmy. CNN, November 19, 2011.
Egyptian nudist in new secularism stunt. Gulf News, December 20, 2012.
Egypt activist who protested nude says she wants to make change, differently. By Mustapha Ajbaili. Al Arabiya, December 21, 2012.
Aliaa Magda Elmahdy, Egypt’s Naked Blogger, Joins Femen Protest against Mursi Constitution. By Gianlucca Mezzofiore. International Business Times, December 20, 2012.
Naked Blogger Aliaa Magda Elmahdy Was Kidnapped in Egypt in 2011, Claims Femen. By Gianluca Mezzofiore. International Business Times, December 21, 2012.
Aliaa Elmahdy and Femen Protesting Against Egyptian Constitution by Morsi. Video. YouTube, December 20, 2012. Also find it here.
Femen: Ukraine’s Topless Warriors. By Jeffrey Tayler.
Femen, Ukraine’s Topless Warriors. By Jeffrey Tayler. The Atlantic, November 28, 2012.
Why the group that inspired Pussy Riot’s infamous “punk prayer” could be tough to stop.
Femen.org website.
Femen in Paris: Ukraine’s Topless Warriors Move West. By Jeffrey Tayler. The Atlantic, January 2, 2013.
Femen Topless Protest In Davos: Feminist Activists Demonstrate Outside World Economic Forum. By Sara Gates. The Huffington Post, January 28, 2013.
Davos took the shirt off Femen’s back (VIDEO, PHOTOS). Russia Today, January 28, 2012.
Meet Femen’s Topless Feminist Activists. Video. The Atlantic, January 2, 2013.
Femen “Topless Warriors” Documentary w/English subtitles. Video. YouTube, December 10, 2011.
Femen Topless Protest Video: “Gangsta Party in Davos.” Russia Today, January 28, 2013. YouTube. Also find it here.
Why the group that inspired Pussy Riot’s infamous “punk prayer” could be tough to stop.
Femen.org website.
Femen in Paris: Ukraine’s Topless Warriors Move West. By Jeffrey Tayler. The Atlantic, January 2, 2013.
 |
| Inna Shevchenko, leader of Femen, makes a statement in Paris, September 18, 2012. Reuters. |
Femen Topless Protest In Davos: Feminist Activists Demonstrate Outside World Economic Forum. By Sara Gates. The Huffington Post, January 28, 2013.
Davos took the shirt off Femen’s back (VIDEO, PHOTOS). Russia Today, January 28, 2012.
Meet Femen’s Topless Feminist Activists. Video. The Atlantic, January 2, 2013.
Femen “Topless Warriors” Documentary w/English subtitles. Video. YouTube, December 10, 2011.
Femen Topless Protest Video: “Gangsta Party in Davos.” Russia Today, January 28, 2013. YouTube. Also find it here.
 |
|
Police detain activist Inna Shevchenko from women’s
rights group Femen as she protests in front of the Olympic stadium in Kiev on
July 1st, 2012. (Gleb Garanich/Reuters)
|
The Sexual Healers Next Door. By Tracy Clark-Flory.
The Sexual Healers Next Door. By Tracy Clark-Flory. Salon, January 27, 2013.
Is the Russia Prison System Working Pussy Riot Member to Death? By Steven Hsieh.
Is the Russia Prison System Working Pussy Riot Member to Death? By Steven Hsieh. AlterNet, February 1, 2013.
Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Imprisoned Pussy Riot Member, Hospitalized. By Vladimir Isachenkov. AP. The Huffington Post, February 1, 2013.
Interview with Pussy Riot Leader: “I Love Russia, But I Hate Putin.” Spiegel Online, September 3, 2012.
In a SPIEGEL interview, Pussy Riot leader Nadezhda Tolokonnikova discusses her feminist punk group’s political aims, why she believes there are limits to Vladimir Putin’s power and how the “fight for our ideas and values will continue.” She says it’s “not me, but the authorities who must be afraid.”
What Pussy Riot’s “Punk Prayer” Really Said. By Jeffrey Tayler. The Atlantic, November 8, 2012.
Russia’s Culture Wars, or Россия диве дается. By Eliot Borenstein. Jordan Center for the Advanced Study of Russia at New York University, December 13, 2012.
Pussy Riot Member Talks About Detention Conditions. Video. Ria Novosti, April 24, 2012. YouTube.
Pussy Riot Has Orgy in a Museum. Video. RT. YouTube, August 7, 2012.
Pussy Riot, “Punk Prayer.” Video. YouTube, March 10, 2012.
The Closing Statemment from Nadezhda Tolokonnikova in Trial, August 8, 2012. Free Pussy Riot English. YouTube.
Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Imprisoned Pussy Riot Member, Hospitalized. By Vladimir Isachenkov. AP. The Huffington Post, February 1, 2013.
Interview with Pussy Riot Leader: “I Love Russia, But I Hate Putin.” Spiegel Online, September 3, 2012.
In a SPIEGEL interview, Pussy Riot leader Nadezhda Tolokonnikova discusses her feminist punk group’s political aims, why she believes there are limits to Vladimir Putin’s power and how the “fight for our ideas and values will continue.” She says it’s “not me, but the authorities who must be afraid.”
What Pussy Riot’s “Punk Prayer” Really Said. By Jeffrey Tayler. The Atlantic, November 8, 2012.
Russia’s Culture Wars, or Россия диве дается. By Eliot Borenstein. Jordan Center for the Advanced Study of Russia at New York University, December 13, 2012.
Pussy Riot Member Talks About Detention Conditions. Video. Ria Novosti, April 24, 2012. YouTube.
Pussy Riot Has Orgy in a Museum. Video. RT. YouTube, August 7, 2012.
Pussy Riot, “Punk Prayer.” Video. YouTube, March 10, 2012.
The Closing Statemment from Nadezhda Tolokonnikova in Trial, August 8, 2012. Free Pussy Riot English. YouTube.
 |
| Nadezhda Tolokonnikova |
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