Wednesday, September 11, 2013

On 9/11 — A Look Back, a Look Forward. By Victor Davis Hanson.

On 9/11 — A Look Back, a Look Forward. By Victor Davis Hanson. National Review Online, September 11, 2013.

Then as now, the Arab world’s self-induced pathologies cannot be cured by American self-doubt.

Hanson:

September 11, 2001, was not just a tragedy, but rather a willful act of war by radical Islamists who hate Western civilization and the American version of it in particular. They achieved, by their cunning and our laxity, a horrendous loss of American life. Indeed, they did something that no enemy had succeeded at since the War of 1812: bringing the war home to the U.S. and inflicting human, material, and economic damage on a colossal scale.
 
They were emboldened by our prior inability to respond to provocations. A 20-year cycle of Islamist-inspired violence from Tehran to Lebanon to the 1993 World Trade Center attack to the USS Cole in aggregate had convinced Bin Laden not that the United States was confident in its past fair treatment toward Muslims (cf. the saving of Muslims from Kuwait to Bosnia and Kosovo to Somalia), but instead that somehow it was unable to define its values, much less retaliate against its enemies. The 9/11 attack was apparently the terrible wages of our uncertainty, self-doubt, and paralysis.
 
Yet in the twelve years since that attack, the American people rebounded in an astounding way. Islamists have not been successful in matching that devastation, although, on more than 50 occasions, plots have been uncovered that reminded us that the terrorists were certainly trying to trump 9/11. For all the current internal acrimony over Guantanamo, renditions, drones, fighting in the Afghan badlands, or going head-to-head with al-Qaeda in Anbar Province and Fallujah, we should remember that those costly post-9/11 anti-terrorism protocols and forward operations abroad thwarted Bin Laden and his successors. Indeed, he died as his own proverbial weak horse, with sinking popularity, in personal decadence at his computer console, and largely irrelevant in the Middle East.
 
A new generation of his successors now wishes to reboot the war. They see an opening in American weariness and pre-9/11-like misplaced guilt. They are resuming the tired Bin Laden boilerplate that the misery of the Islamic world, and the Arab cosmos in particular, is due to American imperialism and neocolonialism rather than their own internal pathologies — tribalism, statism, gender apartheid, religious fundamentalism and intolerance, authoritarianism, and anti-Semitism.
 
That perfect storm of Middle Eastern failure, not the U.S., has prevented the Arab community from achieving the sort of successful paradigms for growth and freedom now common from Chile to South Korea. The Arab Winter reminds us again how hard it is in that part of the world to avoid the extremes of theocracy and military authoritarianism, when the proverbial Islamic street has not yet embraced the necessary shifts in ideology and spirit that alone can lead to a constitutional moderate alternative — and with it a confident place among the family of nations. We can hope and pray for a true Arab Spring renaissance, but we must prepare for something darker and colder.
 
I end on another troubling note. For over seven years after 9/11, most Americans accepted the explanation that what and who we are, rather than what we might have done, prompted the Islamists to try to murder Americans. Yet the newly elected Barack Obama apparently disagreed. From the very beginning of his tenure — as voiced in his inaugural Al Arabiya interview, his prior Foreign Affairs essay, his Cairo speech, his so-called apology tour, and his administration’s surreal euphemisms for Islamist terrorism, and as underscored now by his unserious deadlines, redlines, and withdrawal dates — he sought to win over radical Muslims on the false narrative that the Bush administration, and indeed earlier administrations as well, had somehow been insensitive to Islamic concerns. Thereby, we were in part supposedly culpable for many of the tensions in the Middle East, and for the Arab world’s anger at America so often expressed in mindless violence.
 
Insensitive videos, workplace insensitivity, undue FBI surveillance, harsh nomenclature, an inability to understand the positive side to jihad – all that and more had supposedly prompted anti-American violence, not self-induced pathologies that explained both the terrorists’ own self-hatred and their hatred of us.
 
As remedy, in the words of Obama himself, his own unique background, indeed his very name, together with his courageous acceptance of the charge of past American arrogance, would work a sort of magic. America could bask in his reflected glory, as the Arab world’s admiration of Obama would rub off on the rest of us as well. The result would be that the seas of tensions and the rising temperatures of distrust would at last subside, given the arrival of a Nobel laureate now reining in the erstwhile military-industrial complex.
 
Of course, that hand-wringing neither curbed the terrorists’ attempts to strike again nor won us friends in the Middle East. We are as unpopular there as ever. And we have now won the additional recompense of being seen not as unpredictable and dangerous, but as predictably weak and timid.
 
Nothing good can come of that recipe, and nothing has. This twelfth anniversary of 9/11 should remind the president that the first obligation of his office is to keep the American people safe, and to consider their own national interests, both realist and humanitarian, foremost.
 
Unfortunately, the present therapeutic trajectory will lead nowhere but to a repeat of 9/11 as we insidiously squander the deterrence acquired the hard way in the tough years following 9/11. On this twelfth anniversary we are in a lull — perhaps analogous to John F. Kennedy’s after his disastrous Vienna summit, with a rendezvous with Cuban missiles on the horizon, or perhaps to that of a confused Jimmy Carter about to be confronted in Tehran with the dividends of his past arrogance and self-righteousness.
 
Let us hope that we return to the measures that kept us safe, and drop the rhetoric and attitude that will once again tempt our enemies to try something as stupid as it will be dangerous.

Tuesday, September 10, 2013

The Truth About Palestinian Immigration. By Evelyn Gordon.

The Truth About Palestinian Immigration. By Evelyn Gordon. Commentary, December 14, 2011. Also here.

Arab Immigration to Historic Palestine: A Survey. By Richard Mather. Jewish Media Agency, May 31, 2015.

Egyptian Émigrés in the Levant in the 19th and 20th Centuries. By Gideon M. Kressel and Reuven Aharoni. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, February 11, 2013. Also here.

Fouad Ajami: “My great-grandfather had come from Tabriz in Iran to our ancestral village sometime in the mid-1850s.” The Dream Palace of the Arabs, p. 14.

Who are the Palestinians? By Yoram Ettinger. Israel Hayom, December 13, 2011. Also at The Ettinger Report.


Gordon:

Writing in Israel Hayom yesterday, Yoram Ettinger supported Newt Gingrich’s statement that Palestinians are an “invented” people by offering statistics to show that far from having lived in the Holy Land for millennia, most Palestinians descend from immigrants who came from throughout the Muslim world between 1845 and 1947. Simon Sebag Montefiore provides similar data in his new book, Jerusalem: The Biography, as a New York Times reviewer noted: From 1919-38, for instance, 343,000 Jews and 419,000 Arabs immigrated to the area, meaning Arab Johnny-come-latelies significantly outnumbered the Jewish ones.

One might ask why this should matter: Regardless of when either Jews or Palestinians arrived, millions of both live east of the Jordan River today, and that’s the reality policymakers must deal with. But in truth, it matters greatly – because Western support for Palestinian negotiating positions stems largely from the widespread view that Palestinians are an indigenous people whose land was stolen by Western (Jewish) interlopers.

Current demographic realities would probably suffice to convince most Westerners that a Palestinian state should exist. But the same can’t be said of Western insistence that its border must be the 1967 lines, with adjustments possible only via one-to-one territorial swaps and only if the Palestinians consent. Indeed, just 44 years ago, UN Resolution 242 was carefully crafted to reflect a Western consensus that the 1967 lines shouldn’t be the permanent border. So what changed?

The answer lies in the phrase routinely used to describe the West Bank and Gaza today, but which almost nobody used back in 1967, when Israel captured these areas from Jordan and Egypt, respectively: “occupied Palestinian territory.” This phrase implies that the land belongs to the Palestinians and always has. And if so, why shouldn’t Israel be required to give back every last inch?

But if the land hasn’t belonged to the Palestinians “from time immemorial” – if instead, both Palestinians and Jews comprise small indigenous populations augmented by massive immigration in the 19th and 20th centuries, with the West Bank and Gaza becoming fully Judenrein only after Jordan and Egypt occupied them in 1948 – then there’s no inherent reason why the border must necessarily be in one place rather than another. To create two states, a border must be drawn somewhere, but that “somewhere” should depend only on the parties’ current needs – just as the drafters of Resolution 242 envisioned. Indeed, that resolution explicitly called for “secure” boundaries precisely because the 1967 lines were “notably insecure,” to quote then U.S. Ambassador to the UN Arthur Goldberg, and Western statesmen believed the permanent border must be relocated to make it defensible.

Moreover, if Palestinians aren’t the land’s indigenous owners, it becomes possible to implement another important principle: that 64 years of refusing repeated Jewish offers of statehood should entail a territorial price. For if decades of making war rather than peace doesn’t entail a territorial price, that encourages aggressors to keep trying to gain the whole loaf through military action, secure in the knowledge that half a loaf will always still be available if they ever decide otherwise.

On immigration, as in so many other aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it turns out that history matters, and by ignoring it, Israel and its supporters have badly undermined their own cause. Reversing direction at this late date won’t be easy. But if the conflict is ever to be resolved, correcting the historical record is vital.

Arab-Muslim Waves of Immigration to Palestine. By Rivka Shpak Lissak. Rivka Shpak Lissak.com. Also here.

The Ethnic-Religious Composition of the Population During the Mamluk Period, 1260-1516. By Rivka Shpak Lissak. Rivka Shpak Lissak.com.

Acculturation Without Islamization Under Arab-Muslim Occupation (640-1099). By Rivka Shpak Lissak. Rivka Shpak Lissak.com.

A History of Palestine, 634-1099. By Moshe Gil. Translated from the Hebrew by Ethel Broido. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

Debunking the “Palestinians as Native Americans” Myth. By Rachel Avraham. The Jewish Press, April 29, 2013.

Review of Joan Peters, From Time Immemorial: The Origins of the Arab-Jewish Conflict Over Palestine. By Daniel Pipes. DanielPipes.org.

The Peters Principle on the Middle East Conflict. By Michael Curtis. American Thinker, January 9, 2015.

The Smoking Gun: Arab Immigration into Palestine, 1922-1931. By Fred M. Gottheil. The Middle East Quarterly, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Winter 2003). Also here.

Arab Immigration into Pre-State Israel: 1922-1931. By Fred M. Gottheil. Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 9, No. 3 (October 1973).

Arab Immigration into Palestine, 1922-1931. The Elder of Ziyon, November 22, 2007.

Pages mentioning Ibrahim Pasha from The Claim of Dispossession: Jewish Land-Settlement and the Arabs, 1878-1948. By Aryeh L. Avneri. Piscataway, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1984.

Hamas Minister of the Interior and of National Security Fathi Hammad Slams Egypt over Fuel Shortage in Gaza Strip, and Says: “Half of the Palestinians Are Egyptians and the Other Half Are Saudis.” MEMRI TV, Video Clip No. 3389, March 23, 2012. Transcript. YouTube. YouTube. Israel Matzav. Israel Today.

Hamas Senior Official: Palestinians Don’t Come from Palestine. By Aryeh Savir. The Jewish Press, May 7, 2012.

Hamas top dog Fathi Hammad: “Palestinians Are Not From Palestine!” Sheik Yer’ Mami. Winds of Jihad, May 30, 2012.

Hamas: Palestinians Actually Are Egyptians, Saudis. By Bob Unruh. WND, September 27, 2012.




Hammad:

Allah be praised, we all have Arab roots, and every Palestinian, in Gaza and throughout Palestine, can prove his Arab roots – whether from Saudi Arabia, from Yemen, or anywhere. We have blood ties. So where is your affection and mercy?

[...]

Personally, half my family is Egyptian. We are all like that. More than 30 families in the Gaza Strip are called Al-Masri [“Egyptian”]. Brothers, half of the Palestinians are Egyptians and the other half are Saudis.

Who are the Palestinians? We have many families called Al-Masri, whose roots are Egyptian. Egyptian! They may be from Alexandria, from Cairo, from Dumietta, from the North, from Aswan, from Upper Egypt. We are Egyptians. We are Arabs. We are Muslims. We are a part of you.





What a Real Peace Process Would Look Like. By Evelyn Gordon.

What a Real Peace Process Would Look Like. By Evelyn Gordon. Commentary, September 10, 2013.

What More Must PA Do to Show Its Lack of Interest in Peace? By Evelyn Gordon. Commentary, September 2, 2013.

Sectarian Identities in Syria: Pushed to the Brink? By Genevieve Theodorakis.

Sectarian identities in Syria: pushed to the brink? By Genevieve Theodorakis. openDemocracy, September 8, 2013.

The Sectarian Map of Syria. By Eyad Abu Shakra. Asharq Al-Awsat, September 1, 2013.

Egypt: The Misunderstood Agony. By Yasmine El Rashidi.

Egypt: The Misunderstood Agony. By Yasmine El Rashidi. New York Review of Books, September 26, 2013. Also here.

Threaten to Threaten. By Thomas L. Friedman.

Threaten to Threaten. By Thomas L. Friedman. New York Times, September 10, 2013.

Friedman:

If you’re an average American and are confused and worried about us getting embroiled in a no-win Syrian civil war, you’re right to be concerned. It means you’re paying attention. But if you’re a member of Congress or a senator who’s still wondering whether to grant President Obama the authority to use force to deter Syrian President Bashar al-Assad from again murdering hundreds of his people with poison gas, it now makes sense to take a timeout. That also means you’re paying attention.
 
A new situation has been created in the last two days by the Russian offer — embraced by Obama, all of our major allies and China, but still only vaguely accepted by Syria — for Syria to turn over its stockpiles of poison gas to international control. Let’s have no illusion. There’s still a real possibility that the Russians and Syrians are just stalling and will fudge in the end, and even if one or both are serious, there are formidable logistical and political obstacles to securing Syria’s chemical weapons swiftly and completely. Part of me wonders:
 
Part of me wonders has anybody thought this through? But all of me wants to acknowledge that if a Syrian surrender of poison gas were implemented — still a big if — it would be a good end to this near-term crisis. The global taboo on poison gas would be upheld, and America would not have to get embroiled in a shooting war in Syria.
 
In that context, I think it is worth Obama and Congress threatening to schedule a vote to endorse Obama’s threat of force — if the Syrians and Russians don’t act in good faith — but not schedule a vote right now. (That was essentially the president’s message in his speech last night.) By “threatening to threaten,” Obama retains leverage to keep the Syrians and Russians focused on implementing any agreement — but without having to test Congress’s real willingness to let him fulfill that threat. Because, if it failed to pass, the Russians and Syrians would have no incentive to move.
 
If all of this sounds incredibly messy and confusing, it is. And while Obama and his team have contributed to this mess by way too much loose talk, in fairness, there is also a deep structural reason for it. Obama is dealing with an Arab world that no modern president has had to confront. Until 2010, the Arab Middle East had been relatively stable for 35 years. The combination of the cold war, the rise of oil-funded dictators who built strong security states and the peace between Egypt and Israel imposed order.
 
But the convergence in the 2010s of Arab population explosions, joblessness, environmental degradation, water scarcity, falling oil revenues and the information revolution blew apart regimes that once seemed solid — Syria, Egypt, Tunisia, Iraq, Libya and Yemen — forcing us now to confront some new and very uncomfortable questions, not just the use of force.
 
One is this: Are some things true even if George W. Bush believed them? No one, hawk or dove, wants to see American boots on the ground in Syria, under any conditions. Count me among them. The only problem is that it is impossible to imagine a solution to the conflict in Syria without some outside force putting boots on the ground. When you get the degree of state and social breakdown that you have in such a multitribal and multisectarian society as Syria, there is no trust with which to govern and rotate power. Therefore, you need either a midwife or a Mandela or a trusted military (à la Egypt) to referee the transition to a new order. And since Syria has no Mandela and no trusted military, it is going to need an external midwife. I understand why there are no volunteers, but the United Nations Security Council will eventually have to address this reality, otherwise Syria will become Afghanistan on the Mediterranean.
 
There are also some uncomfortable questions we need to pose to our Arab allies. During the cold war, our fear of communism and dependence on oil made us ready to align with anyone who was with us against the Soviets. We never questioned our Arab allies about what values they were promoting at home?
 
Well, here is a question we need to start posing: There are reportedly thousands of Arab and Muslim youths who have come from as far away as Australia to join the jihadist militias in Syria fighting to create a Sunni Islamist state there. But how many Arab and Muslim youth have flocked to Syria to fight with the decent elements of the Free Syrian Army for a multisectarian, pluralistic, democratic Syria — that is, the kind of Syria we hope for and envisage? I have not read of any. Arms purveyors, yes, but not people putting their own lives on the line.
 
I am glad that Arab Gulf leaders are supporting us publicly — most of them are moderates in the Middle East context — but everyone knows that mosques and charities in those same countries are financing the jihadists. Attention: With the Soviets and the oil lines gone, Americans today are not going to expend blood and treasure to defend people and places in the Arab world that don’t share our values and are also not ready to sacrifice for them. We can’t afford it anymore, and we don’t need to.
 
So give Obama credit for standing up for an important principle in a chaotic region. But also give the American people some credit. They’re telling our leaders something important: It’s hard to keep facing down Middle East Hitlers when there are no Churchills on the other side.

1967 Border Is a Source of Strain in the Israeli-Palestinian Talks. By Jodi Rudoren.

1967 Border Is a Source of Strain in the Israeli-Palestinian Talks. By Jodi Rudoren. New York Times, September 9, 2013.

U.S. Says Palestinians Just Making Stuff Up. By Seth Mandel. Commentary, September 10, 2013.

Assault on Christian Town in Syria Adds to Fears Over Rebels. By Anne Barnard and Hwaida Saad.

Assault on Christian Town Adds to Fears Over Rebels. By Anne Barnard and Hwaida Saad. New York Times, September 10, 2013.


Maaloula is one of the last places where Aramaic, the language of Jesus, is still spoken by Christians and some Muslims. SANA via Assoicated Press


100 Years After Woodrow Wilson, Mark Levin Pens a Brilliant Response. By Peter Ferrara.

100 Years After Woodrow Wilson, Mark Levin Pens a Brilliant Response. By Peter Ferrara. Forbes, September 8, 2013.

Does the Bible Foretell the Destruction of Damascus? By Joel C. Rosenberg

Do Isaiah 17 & Jeremiah 49 foretell Damascus destruction? 23 pages of notes on this subject. By Joel C. Rosenberg. Joel C. Rosenberg’s Blog, September 9, 2013. Notes here and here.

Why Some Believe These “End Time” Bible Verses Could Hold the Key to the Syrian Crisis. By Billy Hallowell. The Blaze, September 8, 2013.

Current crisis in Syria a fulfillment of end times Bible prophecy? The Right Scoop, September 9, 2013.

Joel Rosenberg: Bible prophecy, Damascus, and “utter destruction.” By Chris Woodward. One News Now, September 9, 2013.

World War 3, End of Days, Armageddon Fears: Syria Crisis Linked to Jesus Christ’s Second Coming. By Reissa Su. International Business Times, September 6, 2013.

Sorry Evangelicals, Syria Will Not Spur the Second Coming. By Candida Moss. The Daily Beast, September 5, 2013.

Some Evangelicals See Biblical Prophecy in Syrian Crises. By Elizabeth Dias. Time, August 29, 2013.

Sermon at Topeka Bible Church: What do Isaiah 17 & Jeremiah 49 foretell about the future of Damascus? By Joel C. Rosenberg. Joel C. Rosenberg’s Blog, September 10, 2013. Topeka Bible Church. Vimeo.



Neil Cavuto interviews Joel Rosenberg on Isaiah 17 and “Damascus Countdown.” Joel C. Rosenberg’s Blog, September 10, 2013. Video. YouTube. YouTube.



Among Syria’s Islamist Fighters. By Rania Abouzeid.

Among Syria’s Islamist Fighters. By Rania Abouzeid. The New Yorker, September 5, 2013. Also at RaniaAbouzeid.com.


Rania Abouzeid



Can Obama Afford Not to Bomb Syria? By Aaron David Miller.

Can Obama Afford Not to Bomb Syria? By Aaron David Miller. Foreign Policy, September 9, 2013. Also here.

Barack Obama’s speech won’t sell Americans on Syria. By Aaron David Miller. CNN, September 11, 2013.

“Progressive” Jewish Thought and the New Anti-Semitism. By Alvin H. Rosenfeld.

“Progressive” Jewish Thought and the New Anti-Semitism. By Alvin H. Rosenfeld. American Jewish Committee, December 2006. Also here, here.

Rhetorical Violence and the Jews: Critical Distance. By Alvin H. Rosenfeld. Engage, February 27, 2007. Originally published in The New Republic, February 27, 2007. Also here.

“Progressive” Jewish Thought and the New Anti-Semitism. Wikipedia.

“Progressive” Jewish Thought and the New Anti-Semitism. Israel Matzav, January 31, 2007.

Essay Linking Liberal Jews and Anti-Semitism Sparks a Furor. By Patricia Cohen. New York Times, January 31, 2007.

Jewish Liberalism and Its Discontents. By Benjamin Kerstein. Diary of an Anti-Chomskyite, January 31, 2007.

Jewish Hypercritics of Israel Criticized: How Dare You? By Richard Landes. The Augean Stables, February 1, 2007.

The Dialectical Scam: Why Does It Work? By Richard Landes. The Augean Stables, March 1, 2007.

Zionism, Anti-Semitism, and the Boundaries of Dissent: Round 2 of the Alvin Rosenfeld Debate. Jewcy, April 1, 2007. Also here.

Europe’s “Good Jews.” By Emanuele Ottolenghi. Commentary, December 2005.

Zionism’s Bad Conscience. By Joel Kovel. Tikkun, September/October 2002. Also here.

The Trouble with Zionism. By Joel Kovel. JoelKovel.com, February 15, 2013.

Review of Joel Kovel, Overcoming Zionism: Creating a Single Democratic State in Israel/Palestine. By Ryvka Bar Zohar. Arab Studies Journal, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Spring 2009). Book page at Amazon.com.

Monday, September 9, 2013

Women in Syrian Kurdish Militia Prefer Death to Surrender.

Women in Syrian Kurdish Militia: We’d Rather Kill Ourselves than Surrender. MEMRI TV, Video Clip No. 3971, August 5, 2013. YouTube. Transcript.



Free Syrian Army Chief of Staff Salim Idris: Israel Is an Enemy Country.

Free Syrian Army Chief of Staff Salim Idris: Israel Is an Enemy Country; With Proper Weapons, We Can Topple Al-Assad within 40 Days. MEMRI TV, Video Clip No. 3835, May 8, 2013. Transcript.

U.S.-Backed Syrian Rebel Commander: “Israel Is An Enemy Country”; Assad and Hizballah “Israeli Collaborators.” By Terrence P. Jeffrey. CNSNews.com, September 5, 2013.




A New Era in the Middle East. By Barry Rubin.

A New Era in the Middle East. By Barry Rubin. Jerusalem Post, September 9, 2013.

The New American Dream: It’s Not What You Think. By Adam Levin.

The New American Dream: It’s Not What You Think. By Adam Levin. ABC News, September 8, 2013.

Obama’s Successful Foreign Policy Failure. By Norman Podhoretz.

Obama’s Successful Foreign Policy Failure. By Norman Podhoretz. Wall Street Journal, September 8, 2013.

Syrian Slapstick. By Conrad Black. National Post, September 7, 2013. Also at the New York Sun.

Obama on Syria: Incoherent Incompetence – or the Decline of America by Design? By Rush Limbaugh. RushLimbaugh.com, September 9, 2013.

Intermarriage: Can Anything Be Done? By Jack Wertheimer.

Intermarriage: Can Anything Be Done? By Jack Wertheimer. Mosaic, September 2013.

Reverse Course on Intermarriage? By Jonathan S. Tobin. Commentary, September 3, 2013.

Peace on Paper Is Not Peace on the Ground. By Yan Barakat.

Peace on paper is not peace on the ground. By Yan Barakat. Jerusalem Post, September 2, 2013.

So Who Still Thinks Israel Is the Root of Middle East Problems? By Dominic Lawson.

So who still thinks Israel is the root of Middle East problems? By Dominic Lawson. The Independent, September 2, 2013.

Lawson:

When regimes in the Middle East feel threatened by their own people, they immediately seek to blame the insurrection on Israel or “the Jews.”
 
Forget the massacre of thousands in Syria and Egypt, whether by chemical weapons or more conventional methods of mass slaughter. The Middle Eastern issue galvanising some of our musical mega-stars and their followers, even now, is the treatment by Israel of Palestinians. A fortnight ago the violinist Nigel Kennedy told the audience at a Proms concert that Israel should “get rid of apartheid” – his tendentious reference to the treatment of the Arab minority within that country.
 
Kennedy’s remarks were cheered by many in the audience at the Royal Albert Hall, but the BBC cut them from its later television broadcast of the concert, allegedly following a complaint by Lady Deech, a former governor of the corporation. The London-based Palestine Solidarity Campaign fizzed into action, declaring that “suppressing free speech and political dissent is the norm for state broadcasters under dictatorships. It is worrying when we start to see this kind of suppression being practiced by our own state broadcaster.”
 
This remarkable suggestion that the BBC was acting as state censor on behalf of government (rather than merely demonstrating its own determination not to see its great music festival turned into a platform for contentious political slogans) is an example of how the state of Israel makes so many people lose all sense of perspective.
 
So it goes with Pink Floyd’s Roger Waters who immediately issued a call to arms “to my colleagues in rock’n’roll” over the treatment given to “my brother Nigel Kennedy.” Waters denounced “one Baroness Deech (née Fraenkel), who disputed the fact that Israel is an apartheid state”. What’s with the “née Fraenkel?” Presumably this is the rock star’s way of letting us know that Deech is – aha! – a Jew. Enough said – although Waters did go on to say: “I have many very close Jewish friends.”
 
Perhaps some of those friends – whether or not they adhere to Jewish dietary laws – might be tiring of his latest porcine stunt, in which Pink Floyd’s pig balloon is imprinted with a Star of David before being “symbolically” shot down. With a delightful irony, this active boycotter of all things Israeli is now himself facing calls to be boycotted, from the admittedly small Jewish population of Dusseldorf, which German city is Waters’ next destination on his current tour.
 
You might dismiss this as completely irrelevant to the slaughter on the streets of Damascus – and in any rational sense it is – were it not for the fact that the Syrian Free Press, one of Bashar-Al Assad’s propaganda outlets, has been extolling Waters in recent weeks (when not too busy claiming that the murder of hundreds of children by Sarin nerve gas was actually organised by the CIA on behalf of Israel).
 
Given the longstanding iconography of anti-Semitism within the Middle East, it is perhaps not surprising that when regimes in the region feel threatened by their own people, they immediately seek to blame the insurrection on Israel or “the Jews.” When the wave of popular uprisings sometimes known as “the Arab Spring” reached Syria, Damascus’s envoy in London went on BBC’s Newsnight to tell a clearly startled Jeremy Paxman that “the Israelis could be behind it . . . they could be behind any bad thing in the world.”
 
Actually, the Israeli government was most discomfited by the uprisings in the region, rather preferring the dictators it knew to the possibility of Islamist regimes in their place. It is Israeli citizens who are now stampeding for gas masks, not those of the US, in preparation for what might follow if President Obama does unleash part of America’s vast arsenal in the direction of sites believed to hold Assad’s chemical weapons.
 
It is true that Israel in 2007 sent eight fighter jets laden with 17 tons of high explosives to demolish the Dair Alzour site in Syria, which the International Atomic Energy Authority has since concluded was the base of a “gas cooled graphite moderated nuclear reactor not configured to produce electricity . . . built with the assistance of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.” So Israel is indeed ferociously single-minded in pursuing its self-defence within the region.
 
Yet the idea that Israel is the proximate cause of any tension within that part of the world – and therefore of the sea of blood sweeping through Egypt and Syria – is paranoiac when not deliberately mendacious. In many cases, the origins of the problems go back to the death of the prophet Mohamed, and the split between the followers who believed his successor should be appointed under Arab tribal tradition – later known as the Sunni – and those who insisted his successor should be from his family, and nominated Mohamed’s cousin and son-in-law Ali – the group which became known as Shia Muslims. 

In certain Arab countries, power had been held for generations by the Sunni, even while a majority of the population might have been Shia. This was the case in Iraq, where a sectarian civil war was precipitated by the disastrously misconceived US invasion. The opposite is true of Syria, a majority Sunni country, yet ruled by Alawites, a branch of the Shia. Not surprisingly, the rebels there are overwhelmingly Sunni, backed by the Sunni regimes of Saudi Arabia and Qatar; and Bashar’s main backer is the Shia regime of Iran.
 
This tribal and sectarian dispute, which has the potential to become the Muslim equivalent of the Thirty Years War, has about as much to do with Israel as did the conflict between Catholics and Protestants in Ireland. And the peoples involved care very little, if at all, about the fate of the Palestinians – certainly much less than do Nigel Kennedy and Roger Waters.
 
Yet some western governments still fall for the bizarre idea that if the dispute between Israel and the Palestinians were to be sorted, then this would help to solve all the other conflicts in the region. Thus the French foreign minister Laurent Fabius declared last week, following a meeting with the Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas: “The Israeli-Palestinian issue is . . . perhaps the central issue of the region.”
 
To be fair to Fabius, that is the sort of thing visiting dignitaries are expected to say when in Ramallah. But, in the midst of the conflagrations in Egypt and Syria, it does bring to mind the remark of the late French ambassador in London, Daniel Bernard, who in 2001 delivered himself of the view that “all the current troubles in the world are because of that shitty little country Israel.”
 
Hyperbole has surrounded that little nation ever since it was created in 1948 and the secretary of the Arab League pronounced, as five Arab countries launched a joint attack on the one-day-old state: “This will be a war of extermination and a momentous massacre.” Now the exterminations and massacres are Arab on Arab; but somehow it will still be said to be all to do with Israel.
 
I think I made a similar point on this page over six years ago – but unfortunately this is the last of my columns for The Independent. To those readers who have enjoyed reading them as much as I did writing them, I’m sorry to desert you; to those who did not – you can calm down now.


Sunday, September 8, 2013

Same War, Different Country. By Thomas L. Friedman.

Same War, Different Country. By Thomas L. Friedman. New York Times, September 7, 2013.

Friedman:

Say, did you see the news from Libya — the last country we bombed because its leader crossed a red line or was about to? Here’s a dispatch from Libya in the Sept. 3 British newspaper, The Independent:
 
“Libya has plunged unnoticed into its worst political and economic crisis since the defeat of Qaddafi two years ago. Government authority is disintegrating in all parts of the country putting in doubt claims by American, British and French politicians that NATO’s military action in Libya in 2011 was an outstanding example of a successful foreign military intervention, which should be repeated in Syria. ... Output of Libya’s prized high-quality crude oil has plunged from 1.4 million barrels a day earlier this year to just 160,000 barrels a day now.”
 
I keep reading about how Iraq was the bad war and Libya was the good war and Afghanistan was the necessary war and Bosnia was the moral war and Syria is now another necessary war. Guess what! They are all the same war.
 
They are all the story of what happens when multisectarian societies, most of them Muslim or Arab, are held together for decades by dictators ruling vertically, from the top down, with iron fists and then have their dictators toppled, either by internal or external forces. And they are all the story of how the people in these countries respond to the fact that with the dictator gone they can only be governed horizontally — by the constituent communities themselves writing their own social contracts for how to live together as equal citizens, without an iron fist from above. And, as I’ve said before, they are all the story of how difficult it is to go from Saddam to Jefferson — from vertical rule to horizontal rule — without falling into Hobbes or Khomeini.

In Bosnia, after much ethnic cleansing between warring communities, NATO came in and stabilized and codified what is in effect a partition. We acted on the ground as “the army of the center.” In Iraq, we toppled the dictator and then, after making every mistake in the book, we got the parties to write a new social contract. To make that possible, we policed the lines between sects and eliminated a lot of the worst jihadists in the Shiite and Sunni ranks. We acted on the ground as the “army of the center.” But then we left before anything could take root. Ditto Afghanistan.
 
The Obama team wanted to be smarter in Libya: No boots on the ground. So we decapitated that dictator from the air. But then our ambassador got murdered, because, without boots on the ground to referee, and act as the army of the center, Hobbes took hold before Jefferson.
 
If we were to decapitate the Syrian regime from the air, the same thing would likely happen there. For any chance of a multisectarian democratic outcome in Syria, you need to win two wars on the ground: one against the ruling Assad-Alawite-Iranian-Hezbollah-Shiite alliance; and, once that one is over, you’d have to defeat the Sunni Islamists and pro-Al Qaeda jihadists. Without an army of the center (which no one will provide) to back up the few decent Free Syrian Army units, both will be uphill fights.
 
The center exists in these countries, but it is weak and unorganized. It’s because these are pluralistic societies — mixtures of tribes and religious sects, namely Shiites, Sunnis, Christians, Kurds, Druze and Turkmen — but they lack any sense of citizenship or deep ethic of pluralism. That is, tolerance, cooperation and compromise. They could hold together as long as there was a dictator to “protect” (and divide) everyone from everyone else. But when the dictator goes, and you are a pluralistic society but lack pluralism, you can’t build anything because there is never enough trust for one community to cede power to another — not without an army of the center to protect everyone from everyone.
 
In short, the problem now across the Arab East is not just poison gas, but poisoned hearts. Each tribe or sect believes it is in a rule-or-die struggle against the next, and when everyone believes this, it becomes self-fulfilling.
 
That means Syria and Iraq will both likely devolve into self-governing, largely homogeneous, ethnic and religious units, like Kurdistan. And, if we are lucky, these units will find a modus vivendi, as happened in Lebanon after 14 years of civil war. And then maybe, over time, these smaller units will voluntarily come together into larger, more functional states.
 
I still believe our response to Assad’s poison gas attack should be “arm and shame,” as I wrote on Wednesday. But, please do spare me the lecture that America’s credibility is at stake here. Really? Sunnis and Shiites have been fighting since the 7th century over who is the rightful heir to the Prophet Muhammad’s spiritual and political leadership, and our credibility is on the line? Really? Their civilization has missed every big modern global trend — the religious Reformation, democratization, feminism and entrepreneurial and innovative capitalism — and our credibility is on the line? I don’t think so.
 
We’ve struggled for a long time, and still are, learning to tolerate “the other.” That struggle has to happen in the Arab/Muslim world, otherwise nothing we do matters. What is the difference between the Arab awakening in 2011 and South Africa’s transition to democracy in the 1990s? America? No. The quality of local leadership and the degree of tolerance.


The New Economy of Letters. By Jill Lepore.

The New Economy of Letters. By Jill Lepore. The Chronicle of Higher Education, September 3, 2013. Also here.

The Professor: Jill Lepore’s Fatal Flaw. By Rachel Shteir. The New Republic, November 4, 2012.

Luther Season 3 Finale.

London cop John Luther (Idris Elba) and genius murderer Alice Morgan (Ruth Wilson) have a complicated yet friendly relationship in
 Luther. (Photo: Robert Viglasky).

Luther finale: Creator Neil Cross on that final moment. By Mandi Bierly. Entertainment Weekly, September 7, 2013.

Ruth Wilson makes Luther character a seductive psycho. By Brian Truitt. USA Today, September 6, 2013.

Luther’s Ruth Wilson on Playing Alice Morgan and Showtime’s The Affair. Vulture, September 3, 2013.

Ruth or dare: While Hollywood is crazy for British actress Ruth Wilson. By Jane Gordon. Daily Mail, July 27, 2013.

No one to ride shotgun: Ruth Wilson cuts a lonely figure at Dublin premiere of Lone Ranger . . . without leading men Depp and Hammer. By Fay Strang. Daily Mail, August 7, 2013.

Ruth Wilson talks Alice: Luther Series 3. Video. TopTVshows2013, July 20, 2013. YouTube.




Do You Believe in Evil? Alice and Luther: Luther, BBC. Video. BBCWorldwide, June 26, 2013. YouTube.




Alice and John | White Blank Page (Luther). Video. EternalSmile107, August 6, 2013. YouTube.




Luther: John and Alice. Serial Killer. Video. yotb0ka, August 29, 2013. YouTube.




The Black Keys: Never Gonna Give You Up. Video. Jen Braidley, January 15, 2013. YouTube. Also here, here, here. Played during the closing scene of the Luther finale.



We Need a New Road Map for the Jewish People. By Loolwa Khazzoom.

We Need a New Road Map for the Jewish People. By Loolwa Khazzoom. New America Media, June 16, 2003.

Khazzoom:

JERUSALEM—Jews across the globe worry whether the road map to peace with Palestinians is dead, or can be salvaged. To me it is critical that Jews and Arabs find a path to peace. But as an Israeli Jew with roots in Iraq, I’m disturbed when the Jewish world continuously emphasizes building relationships between Jews and non-Jews while it ignores a deep diversity issue among our own.
 
We Mizrahim, 900,000 Middle Eastern and North African Jewish refugees, were forced to flee from our homes about 50 years ago. Arab states confiscated and nationalized billions of dollars worth of our property, yet Jewish leaders have made barely a peep of protest. We are hardly invisible: We are half Israel’s Jewish population.
 
When Mizrahim came to Israel, everything we offered – thousands of years of Jewish history, culture, religious traditions, scholarship, and daily experience – was devalued. Viewed as primitive and barbaric, we were marginalized and treated as if destined to fail – an attitude that proved to be a self-fulfilling prophecy. Today, Mizrahim make up the overwhelming majority of Jews in Israeli slums and prisons.
 
When that which is disdained in us is exactly the Middle Eastern and North African culture we share with our Arab neighbors, and when Jew-on-Jew racism against Mizrahim has gone unaddressed for five decades, how can Jewish-Arab bridge building have any integrity or expectations of success?
 
The only way out of the Mizrahi spiral downward was to run as fast and as far as possible from our native Middle Eastern and North African ways. There are many successful Mizrahim in Israel, but the price has been dissociation from our roots and shame about our heritage.
 
Today, Ethiopian Israelis are going through the same bleaching process, but worse. Their very Jewish identity was officially denied upon entry into Israel, and scores were forced to convert to Judaism (as if they were not already Jews), including the kes – the equivalent of rabbis in the community. More humiliation came through the separation of families – some family members accepted as Jews, others not; some brought to Israel, others left to rot in Addis Ababa.
 
Recently I went to a Jerusalem demonstration where thousands protesting treatment of Ethiopian Jews had gathered in front of the Office of the Government. I found myself facing a long fence separating me from the crowd, a fence that proved to be symbolic: On one side, demonstrators were all black. On the other side, we reporters were not.
 
I climbed through a hole in the fence.
 
Around me protesters shouted, “Mother! Father! Sister! Brother!” A young man named Amalu Alamoe, who had completed his three year military service and was going to college, said, “My parents are in Ethiopia. I can’t concentrate, because I’m so worried about them.” Amaloe’s mother and father are among the thousands of Falash Mura trapped in Addis Ababa, many suffering from hunger and disease.
 
Falash Mura, Ethiopian Jews who converted to Christianity under economic pressure from Christian missionaries and death threats from Christian neighbors, secretly remained Jews. During a 1991 Israeli airlift, Jews came from remote villages across Ethiopia to return to Zion – a dream for 3,000 years. Falash Mura, however, were not allowed to board the planes. Israel’s rationale: they were not practicing Jews.
 
Over the years, Falash Mura continued congregating in Addis Ababa, in increasingly worse conditions. Israel airlifted several thousand for humanitarian reasons, but not because it recognized them as Jews. About 18,000 Falash Mura are now in Addis Ababa; most have family in Israel.
 
On May 23, Israel’s Chief Rabbi declared that Falash Mura are “one hundred per cent Jews, without a doubt” and should “immediately be brought to Israel . . . to rescue them from the jaws of death.”
 
A Ministry of the Interior spokesman, Tipi Rabinovitch, said the government is concerned that the list of Falash Mura will be never-ending. This past decade, however, Israel actively scouted out and absorbed 1 million Jewish immigrants from Russia. According to the group Jewish Agency for Israel, almost 250,000 were in fact non-Jews.
 
Another official argument is economics: “Falash Mura come from another kind of culture, another kind of country and society,” said Aric Puder, spokesman for the Ministry of Immigration and Absorption. “We need to give a lot of special programs in order to absorb them into the Israeli society.”
 
“They look at us with closed eyes,” says Alamu Mondevro, a demonstrator who says he’s frustrated by the assumption that the Ethiopian-Israeli cultural, spiritual, and intellectual exchange is a one-way street.
 
Rather than humbly learning what our Ethiopian sisters and brothers have to teach, Israel is once again treating fellow Jews as primitive, barbaric and destined to fail. The government, in turn, is paying the financial price.
 
So as Jews everywhere clamor desperately to build bridges between Jews and Arabs, I challenge us to look at our own people and build bridges within. As our great sage Hillel said, “If I am not for myself, who is for me?”