The Need for Pluralism in the Arab World. By Thomas L. Friedman.
Not Just About Us. By Thomas L. Friedman. New York Times, January 7, 2014.
Pluralism Key to Real Change in Arab World. By Barbara Slavin. Voice of America, December 31, 2013.
Friedman:
Every
day the headlines from the Arab world get worse: An Al Qaeda affiliate group,
aided by foreign fighters, battles with seven different homegrown Syrian rebel
groups for control of the region around Aleppo, Syria. The Iranian Embassy in
Beirut is bombed. Mohamad Chatah, an enormously decent former Lebanese finance
minister, is blown up after criticizing Hezbollah’s brutish tactics. Another
pro-Al Qaeda group takes control of Fallujah, Iraq. Explosions rock Egypt,
where the army is now jailing Islamists and secular activists. Libya is a mess
of competing militias.
What’s
going on? Some say it’s all because of the “power vacuum” — America has
absented itself from the region. But this is not just about us. There’s also a
huge “values vacuum.” The Middle East is a highly pluralistic region — Shiites,
Sunnis, Kurds, Christians, Druze and various tribes — that for centuries was
held together from above by iron-fisted colonial powers, kings and dictators.
But now that vertical control has broken down, before this pluralistic region
has developed any true bottom-up pluralism — a broad ethic of tolerance — that
might enable its people to live together as equal citizens, without an iron
fist from above.
For the
Arab awakening to have any future, the ideology that is most needed now is the
one being promoted least: Pluralism. Until that changes, argues Marwan Muasher,
in his extremely relevant new book — The Second Arab Awakening and the Battle for Pluralism — none of the Arab uprisings will succeed.
Again,
President Obama could have done more to restrain leaders in Iraq, Egypt, Saudi
Arabia, Iran or Syria from going to extremes. But, ultimately, argues Muasher,
this is the Arabs’ fight for their political future. If 500,000 American troops
in Iraq, and $1 trillion, could not implant lasting pluralism in the cultural
soil there, no outsider can, said Muasher. There also has to be a will from
within. Why is it that some 15,000 Arabs and Muslims have flocked to Syria to
fight and die for jihadism and zero have flocked to Syria to fight and die for
pluralism? Is it only because we didn’t give the “good guys” big enough guns?
As
Muasher, a former Jordanian foreign minister and now a vice president at the
Carnegie Endowment in Washington, put it in an interview: “Three years of the
Arab uprising have shown the bankruptcy of all the old political forces in the
Arab world.” The corrupt secular autocrats who failed to give their young
people the tools to thrive — and, as a result, triggered these uprisings — are
still locked in a struggle with Islamists, who also have no clue how to deliver
jobs, services, security and economic growth. (Tunisia may be an exception.)
“As long as we’re in the this zero-sum game, the sum will be zero,” says
Muasher.
No
sustainable progress will be possible, argues Muasher, without the ethic of
pluralism permeating all aspects of Arab society — pluralism of thought,
pluralism in gender opportunities, pluralism in respect to other religions,
pluralism in education, pluralism toward minorities, pluralism of political
parties rotating in power and pluralism in the sense of everyone’s right to
think differently from the collective.
The
first Arab awakening in the 20th century was a fight for independence from
colonial powers, says Muasher. It never continued as a fight for democracy and
pluralism. That war of ideas, he insists, is what “the second Arab awakening”
has to be about. Neither the autocrats nor the Islamists can deliver progress.
“Pluralism is the operating system we need to solve all our problems, and as
long as that operating system is not in place, we will not get there. This is
an internal battle. Let’s stop hoping for delivery from the outside.” This will
take time.
Naïve?
No. Naïve is thinking that everything is about the absence or presence of
American power, and that the people of the region have no agency. That’s wrong:
Iraq is splintering because Prime Minister Maliki behaved like a Shiite
militiaman, not an Iraqi Mandela. Arab youths took their future in their own
hands, motivated largely by pluralistic impulses. But the old order proved to
be too stubborn, yet these youth aspirations have not gone away, and will not.
“The
Arab world will go through a period of turmoil in which exclusionist forces
will attempt to dominate the landscape with absolute truths and new
dictatorships,” writes Muasher. But “these forces will also fade, because, in
the end, the exclusionist, authoritarian discourses cannot answer the people’s
needs for better quality of life. ... As
history has demonstrated overwhelmingly, where there is respect for diversity,
there is prosperity. Contrary to what Arab societies have been taught for
decades by their governments to believe — that tolerance, acceptance of
different points of view, and critical thinking are destructive to national
unity and economic growth — experience proves that societies cannot keep
renewing themselves and thereby thrive except through diversity.”
Muasher,
who is returning to Jordan to participate in this struggle for diversity,
dedicated his book to: “The youth of the Arab World — who revolted, not against
their parents, but on their behalf.”
Comment by Jared:
Tom – I
find it ironic that on one hand you see the picture clearly about the Arab
world and how messed up things are, but on the other hand you continue to
imagine that Israel can make peace with the Arabs within the context of this
craziness. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict cannot be seen as an island, but
rather a subset of the entire picture you paint in this article. Israel cannot
and should not be expected to make agreements that will certainly end up being
worthless, until the Arab world gets its house in order. When they get their
house in order, and it becomes a pluralistic society not ruled by Islamists,
then maybe there is a chance for a resolution to the Israeli-Arab question.