Melissa
Click, the University of Missouri professor who called in the “muscle.”
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The University Gone Feral. By Victor Davis Hanson. National Review Online, November 17, 2015.
“I Need Some Muscle”: Missouri Activists Block Journalists. By Austin Huguelet and Daniel Victor. New York Times, November 9, 2015.
Hanson:
On campus, social norms no longer apply.
The
university, long exempted from social norms and rules, has gone wild in the
21st century — or rather, regressed to pre-puberty.
The
University of Missouri campus police now request that students — a group not
known for polite vocabulary — call law enforcement if someone disparages them
with hurtful names.
On the
same campus, a media professor shouts for students in the vicinity to
strong-arm a student photographer to stop him from taking pictures in a way
that she does not approve. Other staff members try to block and push away a
journalist they find bothersome. Since when do thuggish faculty, in Michael
Corleone fashion, call in muscle to intimidate students who are exercising
their First Amendment rights?
Since
when do quite privileged Yale students — in mini–Cultural Revolution style —
surround and, teary-eyed, shout obscenities at their professor? Their target
was declared to be guilty of some infraction against the people by an ad hoc
court of whiny elites, poorly acting the role of the Committee of Public
Safety. Apparently his offense was to suggest that students should not become
hysterical when they see Halloween costumes they don’t like. Shouting down
guest speakers, disrupting events, and mobbing individuals would not be
tolerated at Disney World, so why on campus?
The
assumed impoverished black student at the University of Missouri who went on a
hunger strike to protest “white privilege” was raised in plentitude as the son
of a multimillionaire corporate executive. The young woman who yelled
obscenities at Yale over Halloween costumes is likewise a child of privilege.
Campus outbursts reveal more about the anxieties and neuroses of the adolescent
and pampered than about existential issues of hunger, violence, or bias.
Campus feminists
demand new codes concerning sexual congress, largely as a result of an epidemic
of rather callous campus hook-ups. They allege that one of four women on campus
will inevitably be sexually assaulted. But if that were true, and parents
believed it, then they would be unwise to send their children to Princeton or
UCLA. Indeed, they would prefer that their kids party not at the University of
Michigan but in the safer streets of Detroit. Apparently, the security concerns
at USC involve not the nearby Watts neighborhood, but the student union on
campus. Should frightened women at Stanford flee the quad for supposedly safer
hangouts in East Palo Alto? Is there a “reign of terror” on campuses in
Washington, D.C., similar to the one that is hitting neighborhoods around the
Capitol?
The
strangest campus derangement is the graft of Victorian prurience onto
postmodern crudity. Students who are quite sexually active, and routinely use
drugs and alcohol, nonetheless revert to virginal preteens who must be shielded
from rough language or mere rudeness. They demand Victorian rules of sexual
etiquette, but not commensurate 19th-century notions of abstinence, housing
segregated by gender, dress codes that discourage randiness, or prohibitions
against drug and alcohol use. Pick-and-choose campus feminists do not wish
doors opened for them, but insist that sex codes delineate the stages of
arousal, from foreplay to postcoital pleasantries. How strange that “adult”
students want to dress up in little kids’ costumes on Halloween, and then act
like children terrified of scary things in the night.
There
is another common denominator to this epidemic of madness. Why are universities
free from norms that apply to other American institutions? Is it the implied
social contract that their educational mission is so sacred and so dutifully
fulfilled that they simply cannot follow the rules or expectations that the
rest of us do?
Free
speech is guaranteed under the First Amendment, but not necessarily at
universities. They assume that their own codes supersede the Bill of Rights and
can limit any sort of expression that a minority of students arbitrarily
defines as hurtful. Equal pay for equal work may be a national rallying cry.
Yet for some reason, academia expects that it can pay a graduate-student
teaching assistant or a PhD-holding part-time instructor a fraction of what it
would pay a tenured full professor for teaching the identical class. The gulf
between a full professor and a part-timer — in terms of money, power, and
status — far exceeds that between the WalMart manager and his greeter at the
door. And at least the latter pair have far different tasks. Is such disparity liberal?
Drug
companies are sometimes rightly blasted as price-gougers. But rarely so
colleges. Yet in lock-step fashion they consistently have raised their tuition
charges at rates well above the annual rate of inflation. Strict rules govern
how non-profit foundations spend their money; these rules usually include a set
percentage of annual expenditure of total assets, which must be accompanied by
reasonable overhead costs. Yet there are no commensurate rules for tax-free
university endowments and budgets, which might explain why the numbers of
non-teaching staff have soared, while administrative compensation has well
outpaced faculty salaries.
Coal
miners do not have tenure. Neither do carpenters. Wall Street CEOs have no
guarantee of life-long employment. Nor do lawyers, doctors, or groundskeepers.
Why do academics?
Does
guaranteed job security ensure freedom of expression, diverse political views,
and edgy theories? If so, why then do faculties donate overwhelmingly to the
Democratic party, include few conservative voices, and conduct melodramatic
witch-hunts against those who are skeptical of global warming? If tenure gave
us all that, what might follow from no tenure — too much political diversity,
too much free expression, too many divergent views?
Crony
capitalism is a favorite charge against duplicitous corporations that use
insider knowledge and friendships to leverage favors from government, both to
profit inordinately and to stifle competition. But even the croniest of
capitalists could not match the university Ponzi scheme of having the
government guarantee student loans, which in turn guarantee that rising tuition
will be paid in full without audit, even as the cost soars above the rate of
inflation — all on the wink-and-nod expectation that millions of students will
subsequently default and the government will cover the huge tab. How could a
university admissions officer in good conscience extend a “package” of $100,000
to $200,000 in student loans over a four- or five-year stint on campus, with
the full knowledge that it would be almost impossible for an unemployed or
partly employed graduate to pay back what he had borrowed?
Consumer
protection and truth in advertising are iconic in America. So how then do
universities all but promise students well-paying jobs upon graduation, and
instead turn out graduates who are neither educated nor — if employment
statistics are accurate — especially employable? The Obama administration has a
tendency to hunt down two-year for-profit tech schools that supposedly do not
follow through on their big promises to find jobs for their federally indebted
computer-technician or accounting graduates. But that is a small con compared
to the gender-studies or environmental-studies major from Duke, Wellesley, or
Swarthmore whose $250,000 college investment led to a low-paying internship or
administrative-assistant billet — or a basement bedroom back home.
Diversity
as defined by the Obama administration amounts to proportional representation:
If a police force or DMV office does not have minority employees in the same
ratio as their presence in the general population, then “disparate impact” is
declared and remediation is required. There is no excuse that “merit” has led
to a work force that does not look like America. Campuses agree, at least in
terms of faculty and admissions, but why then is the football, basketball, or
tennis team exempt? How can it be that there are almost no Asian linemen, no
Latino basketball centers, no African-American swimmers?
Is that
any more a ridiculous question than why there are not more African-American
classics professors or Latino physicists? How can it be sinful that
African-Americans are underrepresented in the library, while it is apparently
admirable that in marquee football programs they are vastly overrepresented, at
least by the metrics of the diversity industry? How Orwellian to see black
scholarship football players threatening to boycott their next game unless the
University of Missouri met their racial quotas for staff and faculty, when they
inordinately represented 50 percent of the team — five times the proportion of
African-Americans in the general population. Did they justify their
“overrepresentation” on the politically incorrect doctrine that merit trumps
the federal guidelines of “disparate impact”? Or was it more cynical: While
less-important areas such as teaching, scholarship, and admissions must be
subject to disparate-impact reasoning, existential activities such as football
have to be exempt?
One-drop-of-blood
racial paranoia characterized the Old South and became a linchpin of Jim Crow
segregation. But as we saw in the Elizabeth Warren, Ward Churchill, and Shaun
King cases, under its new manifestations, we may have to issue DNA badges and
dig up the old racial categories of antebellum Mississippi to express what
defines minority status — one-16th, one-quarter, or one-half African-American,
Native American, or Latino, but not three-quarters Arab or 100 percent Punjabi
or Castilian? And how does one then prove one’s authenticity — a resort to
Elizabeth Warren’s assertion of “high cheekbones,” or Ward Churchill’s
headdress and buckskins?
Why
does the country put up with these absurdities?
Of
course, students are young, hormone-driven, immature, and impressionable, and
must be given some slack. And, yes, many faculty members are delicate indoor
orchids, who can pontificate only in the safety of the campus hothouse and
would wilt if thrown outside to face the rat-race on the freeway or in the tire
shop. But the reason for exemption is the argument that the university educates
youth broadly to write well, read widely, have basic factual knowledge, think
inductively, and master the elements of citizenship. Apparently, for that
result, we were willing in the past to put up with a lot.
Unfortunately
21st-century American college graduates are the least educated in a century.
Declining test scores illustrate this. Grade inflation and a therapeutic
curriculum reflect it. The furor over implementation of BA exit exams suggests
it. And employers lament it.
Universities
went feral and broke their social contract. If campuses can no longer educate
students, then why should they be exempt from the norms that the rest of the
population must follow?
Campuses
claim they are left-wing, but in fact they are no-wing: just fascist,
authoritarian, infantile — and incompetent.